The politics of the parish and the politics of the nation during the English civil wars

英国内战期间教区政治和国家政治

基本信息

  • 批准号:
    AH/E003664/1
  • 负责人:
  • 金额:
    $ 3.75万
  • 依托单位:
  • 依托单位国家:
    英国
  • 项目类别:
    Research Grant
  • 财政年份:
    2008
  • 资助国家:
    英国
  • 起止时间:
    2008 至 无数据
  • 项目状态:
    已结题

项目摘要

Few recent studies of popular politics in early modern England have tried to trace partisan ideological issues at the level both of the nation and the parish. The civil war has in the past been the locus classicus of such attempts. Recent studies have correlated evidence of allegiance with socio-economic factors but, despite their subtlety, remain open to the charge of determinism and relatively weak in dealing with the complexity and fluidity of civil war allegiances. A central theme of my own recent work is the effect on politics of the need to mobilise political and material support among wider publics. This led to overlapping, conflicting and intersecting campaigns aimed at connecting the politics of the parish and of the nation: petitions, demonstrations, recruitment to the armies, taxation, and pamphleteering for example. This connects to recent work emphasising the importance of the 1640s for the transformation of the 'public sphere'.The analysis of mobilisation, as opposed to allegiance, allows for partial, instrumental engagements by wider publics in national campaigns, the appropriation of those campaigns to local priorities, and for successful mobilisation by different 'sides' among the same populations. It connects the sociology of mobilisation--the analysis of the networks that underpinned it--with the issues of representation highlighted by cultural history, but also with agency and calculation--the potential of a particular mobilisation to prove useful or effective. Analysis of these multiple mobilisations is crucial to an understanding of the fluidity and creativity of political argument and of the progress of the war. At the same time a small body of work on interpersonal encounters illustrates the freight of political meaning which they might carry--gesture, or speech acts of apparent triviality, could express differences over very big issues. Raising a hat in Mears Ashby might be a comment on national or even cosmic issues.These developments demonstrate the usefulness of approaches that go beyond binary divides (parish and nation, high and low, elite and popular) to look for shared meanings, appropriations and deployments; and at means of communication and mobilisation. Specificity is crucial to this approach: analysis of the time-sensitive use of common tropes and discourses by identifiable actors in order to mobilise or express support for particular, partisan purposes. This complexity is best approached in limited contexts, through case-studies either of particular campaigns, or the activities of individuals. It will be explored through four case-studies using a range of sources (print and manuscript) and approaches (social, cultural and political): of two particular moments; and of two significant individuals. Studies of political mobilisations will throw light onto the interaction of local and national, elite and popular politics, exploring in detail how potentially divisive issues could be submerged in common causes mobilised among wider publics. Such campaigns, however, while negotiating some of the difficulties also created new fault lines and contributed to the instability of civil war alliances. Studies of two activists will throw light on the use made of these opportunities, on the interaction between their projects, available resources (discursive and communicative) and political circumstance. These complex interactions provide important context for discursive, communicative and intellectual creativity. A fifth essay will explore how gestural codes helped to foster and express exclusive identities on the basis of ideological affiliation. A final essay will explore relationships between the social depth and plurality of political mobilisation, polemical escalation, and discursive, communicative and intellectual creativity; also connecting historiographies of the public sphere, popular politics and the civil war, and studies of early Stuart and restoration politics.
最近很少有关于近代早期英国大众政治的研究试图在国家和教区两个层面上追踪党派意识形态问题。内战在过去一直是这种尝试的经典场所。最近的研究将效忠的证据与社会经济因素联系起来,但尽管这些研究很微妙,但仍然容易受到决定论的指责,在处理内战的复杂性和流动性方面相对薄弱。我自己最近工作的一个中心主题是在更广泛的公众中动员政治和物质支持的必要性对政治的影响。这导致了旨在连接教区和国家政治的重叠,冲突和交叉运动:例如请愿,示威,招募军队,税收和小册子。这与最近的工作,强调17世纪40年代的"公共领域"的转型的重要性。动员的分析,而不是效忠,允许部分,工具性的参与更广泛的公众在国家运动,这些运动的拨款,以当地的优先事项,并成功动员不同的"方面"在同一人群。它将动员社会学(对支持动员的网络的分析)与文化历史所强调的代表性问题联系起来,同时也与代理和计算联系起来--特定动员证明有用或有效的潜力。分析这些多重动员对于理解政治争论的流动性和创造性以及战争的进展至关重要。与此同时,一小部分关于人际交往的作品说明了它们可能携带的政治意义--手势,或明显琐碎的言语行为,可以表达在非常大的问题上的分歧。在米尔斯阿什比举帽子可能是对国家甚至宇宙问题的评论。这些发展表明了超越二元划分(教区和国家,高级和低级,精英和大众)的方法的有用性,以寻找共同的意义,拨款和部署;以及沟通和动员的手段。具体性对这一方法至关重要:分析可识别的行为者对常见比喻和话语的时间敏感性,以动员或表达对特定党派目的的支持。这种复杂性最好在有限的背景下,通过对特定运动或个人活动的个案研究来探讨。它将通过四个案例研究进行探讨,使用一系列来源(印刷品和手稿)和方法(社会,文化和政治):两个特定的时刻;和两个重要的个人。对政治动员的研究将揭示地方和国家,精英和大众政治的相互作用,详细探讨如何潜在的分裂问题可能被淹没在更广泛的公众之间动员的共同事业。然而,这些战役在解决一些困难的同时,也造成了新的断层线,并导致内战联盟的不稳定。对两位活动家的研究将揭示这些机会的利用,他们的项目之间的互动,可用的资源(话语和沟通)和政治环境。这些复杂的互动为话语、交流和智力创造提供了重要的背景。第五篇文章将探讨手势代码如何帮助培养和表达基于意识形态归属的排他性身份。最后一篇文章将探讨社会深度和政治动员,论战升级,话语,沟通和智力创造力的多元性之间的关系;还连接公共领域,流行政治和内战的史学,早期斯图亚特和恢复政治的研究。

项目成果

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M Braddick其他文献

M Braddick的其他文献

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{{ truncateString('M Braddick', 18)}}的其他基金

The politics of the English grain trade, 1314-1815
英国谷物贸易的政治,1314-1815
  • 批准号:
    AH/V013386/1
  • 财政年份:
    2022
  • 资助金额:
    $ 3.75万
  • 项目类别:
    Research Grant
Participating in Search Design: A Study of George Thomason's English Newsbooks
参与搜索设计:乔治·托马森的英文新闻读物研究
  • 批准号:
    AH/J002631/1
  • 财政年份:
    2012
  • 资助金额:
    $ 3.75万
  • 项目类别:
    Research Grant

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