Venice remembered: identity and the uses of history in Risorgimento and Liberal Italy, 1915 - 1922

威尼斯的记忆：复兴运动和自由意大利的身份和历史的运用，1915 - 1922

• 批准号: AH/E509770/1
• 负责人: David Laven
• 金额: $ 36.86万
• 依托单位: University of Manchester
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Research Grant
• 财政年份: 2007
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2007 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=AH%2FE509770%2F1
• 关键词: Venice; remembered; identity; uses; history

This project will use nineteenth- and early twentieth-century writings on the Republic of Venice to explore and re-examine particularist and autonomous identities in Risorgimento and Liberal Italy. It will focus on the way in which history could stimulate or reinforce loyalties which did not correspond directly with the nationalist agenda of 'making Italians'. In particular, it will ask how far historical interpretations of the middle ages, renaissance and ancien regime privileged regional or municipal rather than national identities. The project will also challenge simplistic models of identity, which suggest a crude dichotomy between competing national and subnational allegiances. While it will investigate the extent to which localism could obstruct the growth of Italian sentiment, it will also examine how 'Venetianness' coexisted with 'Italianness', and the ways in which municipal pride provided a building block for patriotism. It will explore lines of continuity between historical writing in the years 1815-1922, and that of earlier centuries, to ask how far the changed representations of Venetian identity were the product of the application of new historical methodologies, and how far they were shaped by altered political circumstances, most notably regime change. The failure to develop a strong sense of nationhood is a constant and central theme in the history of modern Italy. The period 1815 to 1922 has traditionally been seen in terms of a struggle first to achieve national unification and independence from outside rule, and then to 'make' Italians. Over the last twenty years, an extensive historiography has emerged on the formation of Italian national identity in this period. The tendency of this research has been to privilege the national arena. While it recognises that Italy's strong tradition of campanilismo (parochialism - literally 'belltowerism') led inevitably to 'a weak fatherland', the emphasis has usually been on the failure to construct national identity rather than the reasons for the durability and vitality of sub-national allegiances. It has also continued to see localism as the key obstacle to the creation of a common sense of nation. In contrast, recent work on Germany has emphasised not only that strong local identities could co-exist with a sense of belonging to race and nation, but also might be seen as a prerequisite for successfully erecting the nation state. While exact parallels between the two countries cannot be made, the Italian case demands a comprehensive exploration of the significance of the local for the formation of national identity. Recent research has repeatedly acknowledged the way in which the past - especially the middle ages and the renaissance - was exploited in the creation of Italian identity. However, there has been little systematic assessment of the extent to which a focus on Italy's fragmented past fostered sub-national or anti-national feelings. Moreover, the rare studies of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Venetian historiography that do exist treat the subject in a virtual vacuum, ignoring both historians' influence upon, and the extent to which what they wrote was shaped by, contemporary politics. The proposed research has enormous contemporary resonance. The dismemberment of the Soviet Union; the fragmentation of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia; Scottish and Welsh devolution; the continued debate regarding the relationship between Spain and its regions; questions about the integration of immigrant minorities in western Europe; heightened debate about 'Europeanness' triggered by European expansion and issues surrounding a possible European constitution have all demonstrated that questions of national and local identity have remained central to our political and cultural lives in the last two decades. In Italy such issues remain doubly important because the past remains so deeply politicised and so viciously contested. Even 3 cursory look at non-academic internet sites reveals that the history of the Republic of Venice generates intense ideological passions more than two hundred years after its collapse. The continued role of the Lega Nord in domestic politics, notwithstanding its decline since the 1990s, coupled with the resilience of campanilismo almost a century and a half of unification suggest that the study of the bases of regional and local loyalties remains of undeniable significance. Venice remembered will cast new light on debates of immense topicality for modern Italian, European and global politics.

这个项目将使用十九世纪和二十世纪初的威尼斯共和国的著作，探索和重新审查在复兴运动和自由意大利的特殊和自治的身份。它将集中在历史可以刺激或加强忠诚的方式，这并不直接对应于“使意大利人”的民族主义议程。特别是，它会问到中世纪，文艺复兴和古代政权的历史解释在多大程度上优先于地区或城市而不是国家身份。该项目还将挑战简单化的身份模型，这种模型表明了相互竞争的国家和国家以下各级之间的粗糙二分法。虽然它将调查地方主义在多大程度上可能阻碍意大利情绪的增长，它也将研究如何“威尼斯”与“意大利”共存，以及市政自豪感为爱国主义提供基石的方式。它将探讨在1815年至1922年的历史写作之间的连续性，以及更早的几个世纪，问威尼斯身份的变化表示有多大程度上是新的历史方法论的应用的产物，以及他们在多大程度上是由改变政治环境，最显着的政权更迭。在现代意大利的历史上，未能形成强烈的国家意识是一个永恒的中心主题。1815年至1922年这段时期传统上被认为是一场斗争，首先是为了实现国家统一和独立于外部统治，然后是“制造”意大利人。在过去的二十年里，出现了一个广泛的史学在这一时期的意大利民族认同的形成。这项研究的趋势是优先考虑国家竞技场。虽然它承认，意大利的强大传统的campanilismo（狭隘主义-字面意思是“钟楼主义”）不可避免地导致“一个薄弱的祖国”，重点通常是失败的建设国家身份，而不是原因的持久性和活力的次国家的一致性。它还继续将地方主义视为建立民族共同意识的主要障碍。相反，最近关于德国的研究强调，强烈的地方认同感不仅可以与种族和民族归属感共存，而且可能被视为成功建立民族国家的先决条件。虽然两国之间不能做出精确的比较，但意大利的情况要求全面探索地方对国家认同形成的重要性。最近的研究一再承认，过去-特别是中世纪和文艺复兴-在意大利身份的创造中被利用的方式。然而，对意大利支离破碎的过去的关注在多大程度上助长了次国家或反国家的情绪，几乎没有系统的评估。此外，对19世纪和20世纪早期威尼斯史学的罕见研究确实存在，在虚拟的真空中处理这一主题，忽略了历史学家对当代政治的影响，以及他们所写的东西在多大程度上受到当代政治的影响。这项研究在当代产生了巨大的反响。苏联的解体;南斯拉夫和捷克斯洛伐克的分裂;苏格兰和威尔士的权力下放;关于西班牙与其地区之间关系的持续辩论;关于西欧移民少数民族融合的问题;由欧洲扩张引发的关于“欧洲性”的激烈辩论以及围绕可能的欧洲宪法的问题都表明，国家和地方认同问题已经在过去的二十年里，它仍然是我们政治和文化生活的中心。在意大利，这些问题仍然具有双重重要性，因为过去仍然被深深地政治化，并受到如此激烈的争议。即使是粗略地浏览一下非学术性的互联网网站，也会发现威尼斯共和国的历史在其崩溃后的200多年里产生了强烈的意识形态激情。诺德联盟在国内政治中的持续作用，尽管它自20世纪90年代以来有所下降，再加上近世纪的统一的Campanilismo的弹性表明，研究区域和地方忠诚的基础仍然具有不可否认的意义。威尼斯记忆将为现代意大利，欧洲和全球政治的巨大话题性辩论带来新的曙光。