Thinking Reproductive Politics and Racial Justice Together: Muslim Women's Movement, Rights and Ethnonationalism in Contemporary India

关注生态、反对种族主义的女权主义学者最近发表的关于生殖正义的文献，在努力质疑当代女权主义的默许代位主义的过程中，强调了解决世界人口问题的必要性，即迫切需要减少人口数量，从而催生一个婴儿将受到欢迎但却稀有的世界(Haraway和Clarke 2018)。然而，当代的印度国家机器已经将这个关键的人口问题简化为仅仅是印度教的非民族主义者，他们担心“非企业家”宗教少数群体(即穆斯林)的“人口扩张”。在我博士学位的基础上，这项奖学金将帮助我在期刊上发表两篇重要文章。第一篇文章将提交给《国际女权主义政治杂志》，文章将追溯当代民族主义者努力从人口结构上咄咄逼人的穆斯林手中拯救女儿的历史基础。现有文献的根源完全来自神权话语(Ahmad 1998，R.Guha 2017)。相反，我认为这种非民族主义恐惧症的基础是在一个非神权时代，当时印度的政治、法律和学术话语断言，女孩胎儿/未来女孩的“生命权”将完全基于她成为经济人、效用最大化、成本效益计算、创业主体或同样的生产者的能力(福柯2008)。第二篇期刊文章--将提交给“符号”--从法律制度本身的‘客体’添加了一个新的视角，即身体受到这些制度影响最大的少数主义女性，从而增强了我的博士学位。印度政府目前表示，虽然公民身份修正案(2019年)间接禁止从三个穆斯林占多数的国家进入印度的穆斯林，将减少非法移民进入印度，但新的“二孩规范”和防止跨宗教婚姻的反混血儿法律制度将通过限制已经进入印度的人的出生率来加强该法案的目标，尽管是“非法的”。穆斯林“从科学上”被认为是一个“不适合”接受生育权的“现代性”的人口类别。这项研究--通过采访、社交媒体分析以及对演讲和口号的仔细阅读--将展示印度非暴力穆斯林妇女运动如何向我们展示如何抵制公民身份修正案和新人口政策之间的这种前所未有的联系。借助对多物种生殖正义的研究，我将展示这场关键的后殖民女权主义运动如何因此使种族正义问题成为女权主义者关于性别正义特别是生殖正义的主张的核心(Ruha Benjamin在Haraway和Clarke 2018)。除了有助于建立我的记录并因此有助于努力争取未来研究资金的竞争力的文章外，该项目还有两个以影响为导向的目标。首先，它将包括组织一个由来自各行各业的利益相关者组成的虚拟研讨会，他们直接投资于展示保护妇女(人权)的言论如何经常被用作部署法律机构迫害印度宗教少数群体的借口。这次研讨会还将使我和其他人有机会分享我们的工作，并与致力于印度人口法律种族主义的不同职业的个人发展团结网络。其次，我将通过一篇基于新闻采访的文章或音频播客、报纸文章以及在伦敦金史密斯学院和苏塞克斯大学的研讨会演讲来传播研讨会和文章的摘要。这些活动的目的是将这项研究的范围扩大到其他大学，以及学术以外的受众。

Recent literature on reproductive justice by ecologically-concerned, anti-racist feminist scholars, in their efforts to question contemporary feminism's tacit pronatalism, have emphasised the need to address the world population question, i.e. the question of the urgent need to reduce human numbers, thereby giving birth to a world where babies will be welcome but rare (Haraway and Clarke 2018). However, the contemporary Indian State apparatus has reduced this crucial population question to a mere Hindu ethnonationalist fear of the 'demographic expansion' of the 'non-entrepreneurial' religious minority (i.e. the Muslims). This fellowship, building upon my PhD, will help me publish two key journal articles. The first article - to be submitted to the 'International Feminist Journal of Politics' - will trace the historical foundations of the contemporary ethnonationalist efforts at 'Saving the Daughter' from the 'demographically aggressive' Muslim. The existing literature traces its roots exclusively in theocratic discourses (Ahmad 1998, R. Guha 2017). Instead, I argue that the foundation of this ethnonationalist phobia lies in a non-theocratic moment, when politico-legal and academic discourses in India asserted that the female foetus/ future girl child's 'Right to Life' will be grounded solely on her 'capability' to become a homo economicus, a utility-maximising, cost-benefit calculating, entrepreneurial subject, or producers of the same (Foucault 2008).The second journal article - to be submitted to 'Signs' - enhances my PhD by adding a new perspective from the 'objects' of the legal regimes themselves, i.e. minoritarian women whose bodies are most impacted by these regimes. The Indian State currently suggests that while a Citizenship Amendment Act (2019), indirectly outlawing Muslims arriving in India from three Muslim-majority nations, will reduce the entry of the 'illegal immigrant', a new 'Two-Child Norm' and an anti-miscegenetic legal regime preventing interfaith marriages will strengthen the objectives of this Act by curbing the birth-rate of the ones who have - albeit 'illegally' - already entered. The Muslims are 'scientifically' produced as a demographic category that is 'unfit' to accept the 'modernity' of reproductive rights. This study - through interviews, social media analysis and a close reading of speeches and slogans - will demonstrate the ways in which a non-violent Muslim women's movement in India can show us how to resist this unprecedented liaison between the citizenship-amendment laws and the new demographic policies. Drawing on research on multi-species reproductive justice, I will show how this crucial postcolonial feminist movement is thereby making the question of racial justice central to feminist assertions on gender justice in general and reproductive justice in particular (Ruha Benjamin in Haraway and Clarke 2018).In addition to the articles that will help in establishing my track record and therefore in working towards being competitive for future research funding, the project has two impact-oriented goals. First, it will include the organisation of a virtual symposium with stakeholders from varied walks of life who are directly invested in showing how the discourse of protection of women's (human) rights are routinely used as an alibi for deploying the legal apparatus to persecute religious minorities in India. This symposium will also give me and others an opportunity to share our work and develop solidarity networks with individuals from different professions working on the racialisation of India's demographic laws. Second, I will disseminate the symposium's and the articles' summaries via a journalistic interview-based article or an audio podcast, a newspaper article, and seminar presentations at Goldsmiths College in London and at the University of Sussex. These events are aimed at extending the reach of the research to other universities, and also to extra-academic audiences.