Rethinking Salafi/Wahhabi transnational and the limits of state power in North Africa

逊尼派伊斯兰原教旨主义--也就是众所周知的‘萨拉菲主义’或‘瓦哈比主义’--与现代政治之间的关系是萨拉菲派的中心难题(梅杰，2009)：他们能遵守真主的戒律作为最高权威，同时默许现代国家的‘世俗’政治力量吗？在那里，尺子不会强加(严格的)伊斯兰法律？萨拉菲主义学术主要研究萨拉菲派团体，如基地组织和伊斯兰国，他们参与政治暴力，将其作为对穆斯林(和非穆斯林)世界国家权威和安全的主要政治基层挑战(Cavatorta和Merone，2015)。然而，我的博士研究对此提出了质疑。相反，它认为，事实上，世界各地绝大多数萨拉菲派拒绝暴力和政治，认为它们是“腐败的”，而是专注于自下而上的基层宗教教育。我的博士论文认为，萨拉菲主义的学者将政治简化为竞选政治职位和从事政治暴力。因此，他们对这些从学术雷达上拒绝政治的大量萨拉菲派人士不屑一顾，称其为“非政治”的“安静主义者”(见Meijer 2016)。通过这种方式，我的研究提出了一个问题：所谓的“沉默派”萨拉菲派会从政吗？即使他们声称自己不会？如果是这样的话，是如何做到的？我的研究将政治理论和人种学实地调查带到了摩洛哥的萨拉菲派，回应了这个问题，并对现有的学术提出了挑战。具体地说，它辩称，这些安宁派萨拉菲派实际上确实在广泛流传的关键规范性概念：(民主)政治、抗议和宽容的层面上，将他们的团体与其他团体和国家机构区分开来。因此，学者们忽略了一个全球“原教旨主义”项目的性质，该项目的重点不是通过革命暴力或政党政治来挑战国家权威，而是从根本上重塑社会的信仰和规范，从而挑战国家按照自己的形象塑造公民的能力。通过研究金，我将把我的发现传播给与伊斯兰和宗教原教旨主义有关的利益攸关方。为了最大限度地扩大影响，我将扩大我与学术界和非学术界人士的关系网，并通过博客帖子和伍尔夫研究所/BBC电台的简短播客向公众提供见解。通过奖学金，我将发展我的记录，并通过发表我的发现来为学术辩论做出贡献。我还将在阿尔及利亚进行重要的初步实地工作，作为我的第二个重大研究项目的一部分，这是对北非萨拉菲集团的全球和国家驱动因素进行的第一次多国比较研究。最后，该奖学金将帮助我通过参与职业发展和申请后续研究资金来发展我的学术生涯。UOL是我这个项目的完美主办研究机构。它的“知识交流办公室”和理查森研究所为未来的研究提供了独特的联网、分享研究成果和合作的机会。该部在政策方面有着深厚而频繁的联系。我的导师Simon Mabon通过他对博士后的研究和指导，将世界知名的伊斯兰研究、政治和政治理论方面的跨学科专业知识带到了我的项目中。通过每周会议，西蒙·马邦在我也瞄准的期刊上发表关于中东和北非伊斯兰政治的丰富经验(Mabon 2015；Johnson和Mabon 2018；Mabon 2019)，以及萨拉菲和伊斯兰运动(Mabon和Royle 2016；Mabon 2017；Mabon and Menshawy 2021)，这将有助于我发展自己的记录。我选择西蒙·马本是因为我们都认为，研究伊斯兰原教旨主义需要不同的学科视角。与西蒙·马邦一起，我将邀请来自不同学科和学院的兰开斯特研究人员研究伊斯兰原教旨主义，以刺激跨教职和跨学科的合作。

The relationship between Sunni Islamic fundamentalism - known as 'Salafism' or 'Wahhabism' - and modern politics is Salafis' central dilemma (Meijer 2009): Can they adhere to God's injunctions as the supreme authority and simultaneously acquiesce to the 'secular' political power of the modern state where the rulers do not impose (strict) Islamic law? Scholarship on Salafism largely studies Salafi groups, such as al-Qaeda and the 'Islamic State', who engage in political violence as the principal political grassroots challenge to state authority and security across the Muslim (and non-Muslim) world (Cavatorta and Merone 2015). My doctoral work contested this, however. Instead it argued that the overwhelming majority of Salafis worldwide in fact reject violence and politics as 'corrupt', and focus instead on bottom-up grassroots religious education. My doctoral work argued that scholars of Salafism reduce politics to running for political office and engaging in political violence. They thus dismiss these large numbers of Salafis who reject politics from the academic radar as 'non-political' 'quietists' (see Meijer 2016). In this way, my research asked: Do purportedly 'quietist' Salafis do politics, even when they claim they don't? And if so, how? Bringing political theory and ethnographic fieldwork with Salafis in Morocco, my research responded to this question and challenged extant scholarship. Specifically, it argued that these 'quietist' Salafis in fact do do a politics of drawing difference between their group and other groups and state institutions at the level of key normative concepts in wide circulation: (democratic) politics, protests, and tolerance. Scholars thus miss the nature of a global 'fundamentalist' project focused on challenging the state authority not via revolutionary violence or party politics, but instead through radically reshaping the beliefs and norms of society from below, thus challenging the state's ability to shape citizens in its own image. Through the Fellowship I will disseminate my findings to stakeholders concerned with Islamic and religious fundamentalism. To maximise impact, I will expand my network with academic and non-academic actors and make insights available to the general public through blog posts and a short Woolf Institute/BBC radio podcast. Via the Fellowship, I will develop my track record and contribute to academic debates by publishing my findings. I will also conduct vital preliminary fieldwork in Algeria as part of my second major research project, a first multi-country comparative study of the global vs national drivers of Salafi groups in North Africa. Finally, the Fellowship will help me develop my academic career by participating in career development and applying for subsequent research funding. UoL is the perfect host research organisation for my project. Its 'Knowledge Exchange Office' and The Richardson Institute offer unique opportunities for networking, sharing findings, and collaborating on future research. The Department has deep and frequent policy connections. My mentor Simon Mabon brings world-renowned interdisciplinary expertise on Islamic studies, politics, and political theory to my project via his research and supervision of postdoctoral students. Via weekly meetings, Simon Mabon's extensive experience publishing on Islamic politics in the Middle East and North Africa (Mabon 2015; Johnson and Mabon 2018; Mabon 2019), and Salafi and Islamist movements (Mabon and Royle 2016; Mabon 2017; Mabon and Menshawy 2021) in journals that I'm also targeting will help develop my track record. I chose Simon Mabon because we both believe studying Islamic fundamentalism requires different disciplinary perspectives. With Simon Mabon I will bring Lancaster researchers from different disciplines and faculties working on Islamic fundamentalism to stimulate cross-faculty and -disciplinary collaboration on the topic.