Critical Freedom: Between Lacan and Deleuze and Guattari

主流政治哲学习惯性地将自由理解为具有确定身份的主体追求其利益的能力。最近的主体理论反过来又破坏了主体的能动性，指出主体本身是如何受制于权力、身体和遗传的，因此无法控制自己的能动能力。根据这些解释，主体要么拥有透明的、有意识的能动性，要么被产生主体能动性的结构所决定，因此，自由理论只能在主体的非能动性概念和决定论概念之间做出选择。我的研究将使用雅克·拉康，吉尔·德勒兹和费利克斯·瓜塔里的工作，以阐述一个“批判自由”的概念，能够推动自由的讨论超越这一僵局。这样做，它不仅会产生一种对主体的能动性和产生主体的结构之间关系的新颖的阅读，而且也会修正长期以来的观点，即德勒兹和瓜塔里的思想与拉康的思想根本不相容。这弥补了对德勒兹、瓜塔里和拉康如何结盟的缺乏认真考虑，并揭示了他们交流中一些最有趣、最重要但被忽视的方面。这个项目开发的自由的概念也将被带入与自由主义，马克思主义和无政府主义的自由概念的对话中，以展示它如何能够增强被称为“后无政府主义”理论所提供的更近的思想。这将使后无政府主义理论更充分地利用后结构主义的资源来推进其政治观和政治观。

Mainstream political philosophy customarily understands freedom as the capacity of a subject with a determinate identity to pursue its interests. Recent theories of the subject have in turn undermined the agency of the subject by pointing to the ways in which the subject itself is subjected to power, the body and genetics and consequently not in control of its own agential capacity. By these accounts, the subject either possesses transparent and conscious agency or is determined by the structures that produce it. Theories of freedom are therefore left to choose between a voluntarist or determinist concept of the subject. My research will use the work of Jacques Lacan, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in order to elaborate a notion of 'critical freedom' that is able to advance discussions of freedom beyond this impasse. In doing so, it will not only produce a novel reading of the relationship between the agency of the subject and the structures that produce it, but will also revise the long-held view that Deleuze and Guattari's thought is fundamentally incompatible with Lacan's. This redresses an absence of serious consideration of how Deleuze, Guattari and Lacan can be aligned, and brings to light some of the most interesting and important but overlooked aspects of their exchanges. The concept of freedom this project develops will also be brought into conversation with liberal, Marxist, and anarchist notions of freedom to show how it can enhance more recent ideas offered by what has become known as 'post-anarchist' theory. This will make clear how post-anarchist theory can utilize poststructuralist resources more fully to advance its own conception of politics and the political.