Coercion, Capital, and The Latin American City: Understanding Territorial Control and Governance in Marginalised Urban Communities

自民主化以来，许多拉丁美洲国家通过高度镇压和军事化的策略来应对在其领土上存在的暴力非国家行为体。然而，最近在该地区的城市尝试了许多安抚方案，这些方案将社区警务与发展倡议结合起来，并试图将不受管制、暴力和边缘化的城市空间重新纳入国家治理的轨道。这些多年期方案雄心勃勃地背离了当前的区域趋势，对安全和治理采取了比通常采用的更全面的办法。尽管如此，这些不同项目的持久性似乎存在显著差异，一些项目被证明是扩展国家治理的可持续手段，而另一些项目正在减少或崩溃。如何解释这些不同的结果呢？显著的地方差异表明，我们应该谨慎地从国家趋势中推断太多，因此本项目以城市为分析单位。这种方法认识到高度本地化的大都市政治的根本重要性和特殊性，避免了过度概括宏观层面变化所带来的陷阱。将地方政治置于中央国家政策之上，对于理解事实上的权力关系如何影响治理和安全管理，以及国家和非国家行为体的网络关系如何以对拉丁美洲城市居民产生重大影响的方式影响政治方向，是至关重要的。这项研究将借鉴巴西、哥伦比亚和墨西哥城市的案例研究。在开发解释可持续性或衰退原因的理论框架时，我将把这些绥靖计划视为国家建设的微观层面行为，这为在具有相互竞争的权力节点和砖状治理结构的环境中有争议的国家建设过程提供了独特的见解。这将增加一个新兴的文献体系，这些文献对国家建设和治理的普遍观念提出问题，并试图证明非国家行为体（暴力和非暴力）在拉丁美洲国家建设的过程中继续发挥的复杂作用。本研究关注地方政治精英、私营部门行为者和暴力的非国家行为者，将对现有的学术研究做出新的贡献，为学者和政策制定者提供经验教训。

Since democratisation, many Latin American states have responded to the presence of violent non-state actors in their territories through highly repressive, militarised strategies. However, numerous pacification programmes have recently been attempted in cities across the region, which combine community policing with development initiatives and attempt to reintegrate ungoverned, violent and marginalised urban spaces into the orbit of state governance. These multiyear programmes are ambitious departures from prevailing regional trends, utilising a more holistic approach to security and governance than is generally employed. Nonetheless, there appears to be noteworthy variation among the durability of these different programmes, with some proving to be sustainable means of extending state governance and others dwindling or collapsing. What explains these varied outcomes? Significant subnational variation indicates that we should be cautious in inferring too much from national trends, and so this project takes the city as the unit of analysis. This approach recognises the fundamental importance and specificities of highly-localised metropolitan politics, avoiding the pitfalls associated with over-generalising about macro-level changes. Foregrounding subnational politics over central state policy is key to understanding how de facto power relations affect governance and security management, and how the networked-relations of state and non-state actors influence the direction of politics in ways which are highly consequential for the residents of Latin America's cities. This research will draw on case studies of cities from Brazil, Colombia and Mexico. In developing a theoretical framework for explaining the causes of sustainability or decline, I will consider these pacification programmes as micro-level acts of state-building, which provide unique insights into contentious state-building processes in environments with competing nodes of power and imbricated governance structures. This will add to a burgeoning body of literature which problematises prevailing notions of state-building and governance and seeks to demonstrate the complex role which non-state actors (violent and non-violent) continue to play in the very process of state-building in Latin America. Focussing on local political elites, private-sector actors, and violent non-state actors, this research will be a novel contribution to the existing scholarship, providing lessons for both academics and policy-makers.