Contextualising Muslim women's assertiveness: cross-cultural perspectives on faith, gender and citizenship in British society

极右翼和西方女权运动都加入了反伊斯兰的大合唱，呼吁国家干预穆斯林妇女的生活，必须将她们从据称的压迫宗教和野蛮的穆斯林男子中解放出来，同时剥夺这些妇女的发言权，或诋毁她们表达不同观点。该宗教当时被描述为“强烈反对民主和性别平等的精神”，根据亨廷顿的“文明冲突”，穆斯林世界和非穆斯林世界之间不可调和的差异是不同价值体系不可能在社会共存的最终证据(Farris，2017；Fekete，2006；Modood 2010a：1660)。在被压迫者教育学(Freire，1968)的指导下，这项研究承认穆斯林妇女在西方社会经历的跨部门斗争，并认为，在国家履行其对公民的职责方面，与作为监督者和变革缔造者的活动家保持联系的唯一合理方式是在那些直接受影响的人设定的理由上运作(Freire，1968；Crenshaw，1991)。这项调查旨在突出物质和历史上的异质性，这些异质性影响着穆斯林妇女的生活经历，以及她们在英国社会和她们各自的伊斯兰社区中的地位。一套女权主义的能力将支持对幸福、赋权和自由的定性评估(Sen，2003；Robyns，2003)。能力方法考察了真正的自由(实现人们所寻求的存在和行为的必要手段)，同时考虑到人类多样性和影响个人实现幸福能力的特殊情况。能力和功能(生命和行为的实际成就)被视为家庭、经济、社会和宗教领域赋权水平的指标。此外，拟议的关于伊斯兰女权主义的辩论包括对世俗的后殖民主义批评和对女权主义与宗教接触的积极重新评估，将对库兰的女权主义解释、对伊斯兰教法的设想改革以及宗教与文化之间的撤资分离置于争取性别平等的斗争的中心(Mir-Hosseini，2004；Modood，2010b；Joly&Wadia，2017)。

Far-right and Western feminist movements alike have joined the anti-Islam chorus, calling for State intervention in the lives of Muslim women, who must be liberated from an allegedly oppressive religion and barbaric Muslim men, while denying these same women a voice or vilifying them for expressing different views. The religion, then presented as "deeply opposed to the ethos of democracy and gender equality", is framed in terms of Huntington's Clash of Civilisations, whereby supposedly irreconcilable differences between Muslim and non-Muslim worlds are final evidence of the impossibility of different value systems to co-exist in society (Farris, 2017; Fekete, 2006; Modood 2010a:1660). Guided by the Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire, 1968), this study acknowledges the intersectional struggles experienced by Muslim women in Western societies and contends that the only reasonable way to allyship, on the part of the State in fulfilling its duties to citizens, and activists as watchdogs and change-makers, is to operate on the grounds set by those directly affected (Freire, 1968; Crenshaw, 1991). This investigation is set to highlight material and historical heterogeneities that influence the life experiences of Muslim women and their status in both British society and their respective Islamic communities. A feminist set of capabilities will support qualitative assessments of well-being, empowerment and freedoms (Sen, 2003; Robeyns, 2003). The Capability Approach examines real freedoms (the means necessary to achieve the beings and doings that one seeks), while considering human diversity and particular circumstances that influence the capability of individuals to achieve well-being. Capabilities and functionings (actual achievement of beings and doings) are taken as indicators of levels of empowerment in the familial, economic, social, and religious domains. Furthermore, the proposed debates on Islamic feminisms encompass a post-colonialist critique of the secular and the positive re-assessment of feminist engagement with religion, putting feminist interpretations of the Qu'ran, envisioned reforms of Shari'a law and the divestment separation between religion and culture at the centre of the struggle for gender equality (Mir-Hosseini, 2004; Modood, 2010b; Joly & Wadia, 2017).