The criminalisation of abortion in Germany, c. 1933-1955

在纳粹统治下，对堕胎的监管是种族化的，对那些被认为“不受欢迎”的人进行强制堕胎，而对自愿的“雅利安”妇女进行堕胎则受到压制。战争刚结束，德国的法律状况就发生了很大的变化，一些纳粹时代的法规仍然存在，对堕胎的司法镇压达到了极端的高度。同样，当代（女性）对日常生活的看法在1945年也没有破裂。因此，我的博士研究了1945年（1933-1955年）期间堕胎的刑事定罪。首先，为了对“自下而上”的性别史有所贡献，我会问：在这一时期，堕胎的刑事定罪揭示了目标社区内的性别关系？其次，审视法庭的另一面：这种国家镇压是如何编码公民与国家之间的性别关系的？历史编纂尚未充分考察德国在20世纪30年代至50年代将堕胎定为刑事犯罪的实际影响。关于纳粹德国，历史学家们一直把重点放在描述对犹太妇女、强迫劳工或出于“优生”原因进行强制堕胎的做法上。因此，对抑制堕胎的研究相对缺乏在许多方面是合理的。尽管如此，我相信，要充分理解纳粹政权的亲生政策和反生政策之间的相互关系，有必要研究更多日常的生育控制方法，同时防止伤害那些从纳粹主义中受益的“种族理想”女性。虽然大部分关于1945年后德国的史学仍然以话语为重点，但最近的贡献已经开始探索堕胎在实践中的犯罪化。在这里，压倒性的焦点集中在盟军士兵大规模强奸后进行的堕胎。这项研究只关注与强奸有关的堕胎，这带来了双重危险。首先，通过它在识别外国犯罪者方面造成的不平衡，它进一步推动了德国人自我受害的叙述。其次，对强奸的关注可能会使堕胎成为残酷侵犯之后的一种悲剧程序。通过研究流行的堕胎观念和国家针对堕胎的目标，我的研究可以介入一些史学上的辩论。研究性学的历史学家已经证实，由于战时条件和纳粹时期的煽动，女性在性方面越来越（被认为）独立。然而，这种发展在多大程度上是“解放”的仍然存在争议。审查被告在法庭上的行为和理由，以及当局对这些行为和理由的评价，可以深入了解性规范、双重标准和做法。通过研究男性伴侣的角色，我将有助于研究男性在家庭领域中的角色和男子气概。因此，我的研究也处于纳粹和战后德国的私人生活史中。历史学家指出，纳粹政权对私人生活的侵蚀与神圣化之间存在紧张关系。对公民生育生活的干预提供了一个视角，通过它可以观察国家与公民之间的关系，尤其是不成比例地针对工薪阶层的公民。我的主要来源基础将包括司法和警察的记录，从不同的德国地区取样。在使用这些记录来研究当地的性别关系时，我在方法上和理论上都非常感谢科妮莉·奥斯本（Cornelie Usborne）、雷吉娜·舒尔特（Regina Schulte）和其他人的工作，他们阅读了旨在将女性定为犯罪的文件，以此来重新主张女性对自己身体和社会义务的看法。为了将被告的陈述置于背景中，我将从多个其他来源拼凑片段，包括医学话语、自我文件以及未经审查的广告。

Under Nazism, the policing of abortion was racialised, with forced abortions being performed on thosedeemed 'undesirable', while abortions performed on consenting 'Aryan' women were repressed. Immediately after the war, the legal situation in Germany varied greatly, with several Nazi-era regulationsremaining in place and the judicial repression of abortion reaching extreme heights. Similarly, contemporary (female) perceptions of everyday life were not ruptured in 1945. Thus, my DPhil examines the criminalisation of abortion across the year 1945, c. 1933-1955. Firstly, to contribute to a history of gender 'from below', I will ask: what does the criminalisation of abortion in this period reveal about gender relations within the communities targeted? Secondly, examining the other side of the courtroom: how did this state repression encode a gendered relationship between the citizen and the state?The historiography has yet to adequately examine the practical impacts of the German criminalisation ofabortion from the 1930s-1950s. Regarding Nazi Germany, historians have focused on the deeply necessary task of delineating practices of forced abortions performed on Jewish women, forced labourers or for 'eugenic' reasons. The comparative lack of research on the repression of abortion is thus in many ways justified. Nonetheless, I believe that to fully understand the interrelation of the regime's pro- and anti-natalist policies, it is necessary to examine more quotidian methods of fertility control - while guarding against victimising 'racially desirable' women who otherwise benefited from Nazism.While the bulk of the historiography on Germany post-1945 is still characterised by a focus on the discursive, more recent contributions have started exploring abortion's criminalisation in practice. Here, the overwhelming focus lies on abortions performed following the mass rapes by Allied soldiers. This research's exclusive focus on abortion in relation to rape poses a twofold danger. Firstly, through the imbalance it creates in identifying foreign perpetrators, it furthers narratives of German self-victimisation. Secondly, the focus on rape risks casting abortion as an invariably tragic procedure that followed a cruel violation.By examining popular conceptions of abortion and their targeting by the state, my research couldintervene in several historiographical debates.Historians of sexuality have established that women were increasingly (recognised as) sexually independent due to wartime conditions and Nazi-era incitements. Yet, the extent to which this development was 'liberatory' remains debated. Examining defendants' behaviour and justifications in court, as well as the authorities' evaluations of these, provides an insight into sexual norms, double-standards and practices. By examining the role of male partners, I will contribute to research on the role of men and masculinity in the domestic sphere.Thus, my research is also situated in the history of private life in Nazi and post-war Germany. Historians have pointed to a tension between the Nazi regime's simultaneous erosion and sanctification of private life. Interventions in citizens' reproductive lives provide a lens through which to view the relationship between the state and citizens, particularly the working-class citizens disproportionately targeted.My main source base will be comprised of judicial and police records sampled from different German regions. In using these records to examine local gender relations, I am greatly indebted - both methodologically and theoretically - to the work of Cornelie Usborne, Regina Schulte and others, who read documents constructed to criminalise women as sources for re-claiming women's perceptions of their bodies and social obligations. To contextualise defendants' statements, I will piece together fragments from multiple other sources, including medical discourse, ego-documents as well as uncensored advertisements.