Norwegian Nurses in the Service of the Third Reich: A Criminological Study of Atrocity Perpetration and Claims to Victimhood

我的项目位于犯罪者研究和暴行犯罪学（Aydin-Aitchison et al, 2022）。利用档案资料，扩大和深化了对德国红十字会挪威护士（1942-1945）的有限研究。我将把这一群体与第三帝国更著名的安乐死护士（1939-1945，参见Benedict and Shields,2014; Bryant,2005; Copeland,2020）进行比较。这两个群体在第二次世界大战后都被起诉，尽管他们声称自己是受害者，但在历史研究中仍然处于边缘地位，在暴行犯罪学中完全缺席。研究这两组女护士将使我们能够更好地理解女性在暴行时期参与犯罪，而且，通过以红十字会组织为框架，解释一个致力于人道主义活动的组织是如何为反人道主义政权服务的。此外，我将使用克里斯蒂（1986）的“理想受害者”概念来探索战后记忆和受害者身份的主张，询问这些护士如何在加害者和受害者类别之间转换。为此，本项目将利用档案资料，运用犯罪学的理论和概念来解决护士参与的难题。主要的研究问题是：如何解释挪威护士作为德国红十字会的一部分对纳粹暴行罪行的贡献？最近的研究已经放弃了普通/特殊的两分法，并认识到暴行犯罪的肇事者表现出各种驱动因素，应该被理解为特殊情况下的普通人（Anderson,2017; Mann,2004； Jensen和Szejnmann,2008； Smeulers和Grunfeld 2011: Smeulers，2015）。在这一领域，直到20世纪80年代末和90年代初，很少将女性作为犯罪者进行研究（Zroka，2015年；Lower，2014年；Jensen和Szejnmann，2008年）。从那时起，妇女作为纳粹政策推动者的重要性已得到令人信服的证明（Lower, 2011），但妇女在护理中的作用仍未得到充分研究和理论化。大多数关于护士在大屠杀中的作用的工作涉及德国妇女和德国红十字会（Der Veer， 2019年；Benedict and Shields，2014年）。人们对德国红十字会的挪威护士也知之甚少。没有什么是用英语写的，而挪威文学的理论化程度也很低。我们所知道的是，大约有447名挪威妇女自愿为纳粹德国红十字会服务；到战争结束时，大约有300名护士在东线服役；只有10%的人接受过护士教育。战后，450名护士因叛国罪被起诉和判刑（Sæther, 2016: Gogstad,2008: Bay, 2014:2017）。随后，2015年，挪威红十字会公开向被定罪的护士道歉，尽管有证据表明她们与纳粹的目标串通一理，但她们未能为她们提供支持。许多人是已知的纳粹家族的成员（Gogstad,2008）；447名护士中有229名是挪威护士协会的活跃会员（Sæther，2016年）；为一部纪录片采访的一名口述消息来源表示，她知道有挪威护士驻扎在达豪集中营（Bay，2014年；2017年；Sju Kammers， 2011年）。为了扩大和加强现有研究的有限范围，有必要利用最近才公开提供的档案。这在理论上是很重要的，因为不像德国护士已经在一个机构注册，经历了戏剧性的重新定位，挪威护士是自愿的。根据克里斯蒂的软弱、可敬、无可指责和亲缘关系等特征，对护士随后的受害者主张进行检验时，额外的能动性和意向性程度是很重要的。

My project is located in perpetrator studies and atrocity criminology (Aydin-Aitchison et al, 2022). Using archival sources, it expands and deepens the limited research on the Norwegian nurses in the German Red Cross (1942-1945). I will compare this group with the better-known Euthanasia Nurses of the Third Reich (1939-1945, see e.g., Benedict and Shields,2014: Bryant,2005: Copeland,2020). Both groups were prosecuted after the Second World War, despite claiming the status of victimhood, but remain marginal in historical research and completely absent from criminology of atrocity. Studying these two groups of female nurses will enable us to better understand female participation of perpetration during times of atrocity, but also, by using the organisation of the Red Cross as a frame, explain how an organisation dedicated to humanitarian activity came to serve anti-humanitarian regime. Further, I will use Christie's (1986) concept of 'ideal victim' to explore post-war memory and claims to victimhood, interrogating how these nurses shift between categories of perpetrator and victim. In response, this project will use archival material and apply criminological theories and concepts to resolve the puzzle about the nurses' participation. The main research question is: What explains Norwegian nurses' contribution to Nazi atrocity crime in their role as part of the German Red Cross? More recent studies have abandoned the ordinary/extraordinary dichotomy, and recognised that perpetrators of atrocity crimes display various drivers and should be understood as ordinary individuals within extraordinary circumstances (Anderson,2017: Mann,2004: Jensen and Szejnmann,2008: Smeulers and Grunfeld 2011: Smeulers,2015). Within this field, women were rarely studied as perpetrators until the late 1980s and early 1990s (Zroka,2015: Lower,2014: Jensen and Szejnmann,2008). Since then, the importance of women as facilitators of Nazi policy have been demonstrated convincingly (Lower, 2011), but the role of women in nursing remains understudied and under-theorised. Most work concerning nurses' role in the Holocaust deals with German women and the German Red Cross (Der Veer, 2019: Benedict and Shields,2014). Little is also known about Norwegian nurses in the German Red Cross. Nothing is written in English, while Norwegian literature is under-theorised. What we do know is that around 447 Norwegian women volunteered to serve the Nazified German Red Cross; by the end of the war around 300 nurses had served at the Eastern Front; only 10% were fully educated as nurses. After the war, 450 nurses were prosecuted and sentenced for treason (Sæther, 2016: Gogstad,2008: Bay, 2014:2017). Subsequently, in 2015 the Norwegian Red Cross publicly apologised to the convicted nurses for failing to support them, in spite of evidence of their complicity with Nazi aims. Many were members of known Nazi families (Gogstad,2008); 229 of the 447 nurses had active NS memberships (Sæther,2016): and one oral source interviewed for a documentary stated that she knew of Norwegian nurses stationed at Dachau concentration camp (Bay,2014: 2017:Sju Kammers, 2011). To expand on and enhance the limited scope of existing research there is a need to use archives that have only recently become publicly available. This is theoretically significant, because, unlike German nurses already enrolled in an institution that underwent a dramatic reorientation, Norwegian nurses volunteered. The additional degree of agency and intentionality is important to examine nurses' subsequent claims of victimhood in terms of Christie's features of weakness, respectability, blamelessness and relatedness.