Palestine up in Arms: Contentious Politics and the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939

摘要(不超过500字)从津巴布韦到阿尔及利亚，20世纪见证了第三世界各地的革命运动的涌现，面对摇摇欲坠的欧洲帝国，他们试图维护自己的国家地位。然而，是什么将民族主义运动的成功与失败区分开来呢？在研究革命等有争议的事件时，索赔人之间的局部动态有多重要？利用1936-1939年英国托管巴勒斯坦期间的阿拉伯起义的案例研究，我试图审视革命运动未能为各自的反殖民主义民族主义事业带来重大的政治进步。在对争议性政治研究的基础上，我试图分析在失败的“革命局势”中发挥作用的过程和情境机制，例如1936-1939年的阿拉伯起义。我试图将各种索赔人--精英、农村农民、城市工人以及英国人和犹太复国主义者--之间的关系视为对话和不断演变的关系。通过这样做，我试图研究镇压和调解如何在有争议的事件中动员索赔人之间的关系，最终断言压倒性镇压本身无法解释革命民族主义运动的失败。相反，为了压制这种运动，它必须在关系层面采取行动，扰乱索赔人之间现有的或正在形成的裂痕，例如通过煽动精英内部冲突或将精英变成其他社会群体的对立目标。巴以冲突仍然是区域和全球舞台上无时无刻不存在的政治问题。2021年5月在以色列和被占领土各地发生的被称为团结起义的抗议和暴力可以说改变了巴以冲突内部的政治现状。与最近以色列历史上最右翼政府的选举相结合，由激进的卡哈尼亚运动成员组成的政府似乎已经为第三次起义做好了准备。我打算开展的项目对巴勒斯坦民族主义集体行动的第一次重大事件进行了有价值的量化历史分析。通过这样做，这个项目有助于新生的、但不断增长的历史政治经济学领域，该领域寻求以历史情境的方式探索理论猜想。通过分析这一具有历史和象征意义的巴勒斯坦集体行动案例，我的提议扩大了我们对不同程度的镇压对动员和有争议的行为者之间关系的影响的理解。

Summary (no more than 500 words) From Zimbabwe to Algeria, the 20th century witnessed an outpouring of revolutionary movements across the Third World attempting to assert their national claims to statehood in the face of crumbling European empires. Yet, what separates nationalist movements that succeed from those that fail? How important are localised dynamics between claimants in the study of contentious episodes like revolutions? Using the case study of the 1936-1939 Arab Revolt in the British Mandate of Palestine, I attempt to examine the failure of revolutionary movements in yielding significant political advances for their respective anticolonial nationalist causes. Building upon studies of contentious politics that highlight the dynamic and relational nature of episodes of contention, such as revolution, I seek to analyse the processual and situational mechanisms at play in failed "revolutionary situations", such as the 1936-1939 Arab Revolt. I attempt to consider the relationship between the various claimants - elites, rural peasantry, urban workers, as well as the British and Zionists - as dialogic and ever-evolving. By doing so, I seek to examine how repression and conciliation pattern mobilisation and relationships between claimants during contentious episodes, ultimately asserting that overwhelming repression on its own is unable to account for the failure of revolutionary nationalist movements. Instead, for repression to neuter such movements, it must act at the relational level and disturb existing or developing cracks between claimants, for example by stoking intra-elite conflict or turning elites into oppositional targets for other social groups. The Palestine-Israel conflict remains an ever-present political fixture on both the regional and global stages. The protests and violence of May 2021 across Israel and the Occupied Territories, termed the Unity Intifada, have arguably shifted the political status quo within the nexus of the Palestine-Israel conflict. When combined with the recent election of the most right-wing government in Israeli history, comprising members of the radical Kahanist movement, the stage appears set for a Third Intifada. My intended project provides a valuable quantitative historical analysis of the first major incidence of nationalist Palestinian collective action. In so doing, this project contributes to the nascent, but growing, field of historical political economy, which seeks to explore theoretical conjectures in a historically situated manner. By analysing this historically and symbolically significant case of Palestinian collective action, my proposal expands our understanding of the effects of variable levels of repression upon mobilisation and relationships between contentious actors.