Numeral Incorporation in Russian Sign Language: Phonological Constraints on Simultaneous Morphology.
Numeral Incorporation in Russian Sign Language: Phonological Constraints on Simultaneous Morphology.
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DOI：
10.1353/sls.2019.0015
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发表时间：
2019
影响因子：
1.5
通讯作者：
Mayberry RI
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Semushina N;Mayberry RI
本文研究了俄罗斯手语中的数词融入问题。数词合并是指数词和基本符号同时合并为一个符号。表示形式通常使用数字手形与基本词汇符号的运动、位置和方向相结合;例如，“三个月”将通过合并形式3_month来表达。RSL是一种具有双手数字系统的语言。研究RSL中的双手数词整合现象，不仅有助于我们深入了解RSL的语音结构，也有助于我们了解跨语言数词整合的制约因素。数字合并是RSL中的一种普遍偏好，但受到高度限制：并非所有日历术语都可以合并，也并非所有数字都可以合并。例如，符号月份包含数字1到9（1到5是单手，6到9是双手）。包含单手形式的5_minute存在，而双手 *6_minute形式不出现（即其含义是按顺序表达的），并且符号day根本不包含数字。这些限制是有条件的语义（词频，语用）和语音的原因。由于RSL的数字系统是双手的，结果表明，第一，数字合并不限于单手数字。此外，研究结果表明，数字纳入的限制并不普遍的手语。在RSL中，每个范式都显示出特定的数字纳入限制，这些限制是语音条件。这些限制解释的语音规则的相互作用，在各级的数字和词汇符号的符号亚词汇特征：位置，方向，手形，和运动。然而，以前没有注意到符号的位置和方向参数是限制手语中数字合并和符号复杂性的因素。我们的分析，无论是从数字纳入数据和启发式和RSL语料库数据，显示位置和方向的功能作为语音约束的双手符号的组成。具体地说，位置和方向在手形对称限制中起作用。我们的分析还表明，位于头部的标志不允许双手数字合并。语料库分析证实了这一发现：我们在RSL语料库中发现的所有双手符号都是对称的，并且经常包括弱下降，因此我们在头部没有发现不对称的双手符号。另一个对称性限制与方向有关。对RSL数字整合数据和RSL语料库数据及词典的分析表明，RSL不指具有横向取向（手掌面向中线）的双手手势中的不对称手形。
This paper looks at numeral incorporation in Russian Sign Language (RSL). Numeral incorporation is the simultaneous combination of a numeral and a base sign into one sign. Incorporating forms typically use the numerical handshape combined simultaneously with the movement, location, and orientation of the base lexical sign; for example, “three months” will be expressed through an incorporating form 3_month. RSL is a language with a two-handed numeral system. Investigating two-handed numeral incorporation in RSL provides important insights into the constraints on numeral incorporation across languages as well as into the phonological structure of RSL. Numeral incorporation is a general preference in RSL that is highly constrained: not all calendric terms can incorporate, and not all numbers can be incorporated. For example, the sign month incorporates numbers one through nine (one through five are one-handed, and six through nine are two-handed). The incorporating one-handed form 5_minute exists, while the two-handed *6_minute form does not occur (that is, its meaning is expressed sequentially), and the sign day does not incorporate numbers at all. These limits are conditioned for semantic (lexical frequency, pragmatics) and phonological reasons. Because the numeral system of RSL is two-handed, the results show, first, that numeral incorporation is not limited to one-handed numerals. In addition, the results indicate that limits on numeral incorporation are not universal across sign languages. In RSL, each paradigm shows specific numeral incorporation limits that are phonologically conditioned. These limits are explained by the interaction of phonological rules at all levels of sign sublexical features for both the numeral and lexical sign: location, orientation, handshape, and movement. The location and orientation parameters of sign, however, have not been previously noted as being factors that limit numeral incorporation and sign complexity in a sign language. Our analyses, from both the numeral incorporation data and from elicitation and RSL corpus data, show that location and orientation function as phonological constraints in the composition of two-handed signs. Specifically, location and orientation operate in handshape symmetry restrictions. Our analyses also show that signs located on the head do not allow two-handed numeral incorporation. The corpus analyses corroborated this finding: all two-handed signs on the head that we found in our RSL corpus were symmetrical and frequently included weak drop, such that we found no asymmetrical two-handed signs on the head. Another symmetry restriction relates to orientation. Analyses of the RSL numeral incorporation data and the RSL corpus data and dictionaries show that RSL disprefers asymmetrical handshapes in two-handed signs having lateral orientation (palm facing the central line).
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