Disparity and diversity in the contemporary city: social (dis)order revisited.
Disparity and diversity in the contemporary city: social (dis)order revisited.
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DOI：
10.1111/j.1468-4446.2009.01211.x
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发表时间：
2009-03
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Sampson RJ
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Sampson RJ
长期以来，城市学者一直以构成社会分化的强大力量的方式来解释公共空间的混乱迹象。从19世纪的伦敦观察家如查尔斯·布斯（Charles Booth，1889）和亨利·梅休（Henry Mayhew，1862），到现代经典作家如简·雅各布斯（Jane Jacobs，1961）的《美国大城市的死与生》（The Death and Life of Great American Cities），再到当今对“破窗”和犯罪的关注，混乱的迹象--尤其是与穷人有关的迹象--被视为理解城市生活的核心。观察者所说的社会混乱通常是指涉及陌生人并被认为具有潜在威胁的行为，例如街头言语骚扰、公开招妓、公共场合醉酒以及公共场合喧闹的年轻男性群体。传统的生理失调概念通常指的是建筑物上的涂鸦、废弃的汽车、街道上的垃圾和众所周知的破窗玻璃等标记。布斯的详细调查和维多利亚时代伦敦的地图作为失调在地方社会排名中的作用的早期说明。他对这座伟大城市的艰苦描绘包括许多街道的经济和社会构成的颜色代码（LSE 2008）。最低的阶层，用黑色编码，被描述为不仅贫穷，而且生活在“肮脏”的公共酗酒显示。布斯表达了一种今天许多人可能仍然持有的观点（如果是默默持有的话），他毫不掩饰地将最低等级的类别标记为“邪恶的，半犯罪的”，最低等级的“主要居住着临时劳动者，游手好闲者和半犯罪者-混乱的元素”（Pfautz 1967：191）。布思由此实现了生态分类和空间差异与基于行为的微妙而有力的道德评价的融合，这可能被认为是当代“下层阶级”概念的先驱。这是一个重要的思想行动，因为正如我将要论证的那样，将某些地区指定为声名狼借和混乱的地区，可能会启动长期的进程，强化最初的污名化状态，从而促进不平等的社会再生产。
Scholars of the city have long interpreted signs of disorder in public spaces in ways that constitute powerful forces of social differentiation. From observers of London in the 1800s such as Charles Booth (1889) and Henry Mayhew (1862), to authors of modern classics such as Jane Jacobs’s (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, to present day concerns over ‘broken windows’ and crime, signs of disorder–especially when linked to the poor–have been viewed as central to understanding city life. By social disorder, observers commonly mean behaviour involving strangers and considered potentially threatening, such as verbal harassment on the street, open solicitation for prostitution, public intoxication, and rowdy groups of young males in public. Traditional conceptions of physical disorder typically refer to markers such as graffiti on buildings, abandoned cars, garbage in the streets, and the proverbial broken window.Booth’s detailed investigations and resulting maps of Victorian London served as an early illustration of disorder’s role in the social ranking of places. His painstaking portrayal of this great city included colour codes for the economic and social make-up of its many streets (LSE 2008). The lowest classes, coded in black, were described as not just poor but living in ‘squalor’with public displays of alcoholism. Expressing a view that many today probably still hold (if silently), Booth unabashedly labeled the lowest-class category as ‘vicious, semi criminal,’with the lowest grade ‘inhabited principally by occasional labourers, loafers, and semi-criminals—the elements of disorder’(Pfautz 1967: 191). What Booth thus accomplished was a merger of ecological classification and spatial difference with a subtle yet potent moral evaluation based on behaviour, what might be considered the precursor to contemporary notions of the ‘underclass’. This was a consequential intellectual move, for the designation of areas as disreputable and disordered, as I shall argue, can set in motion long-term processes that reinforce the initial stigmatized state and thereby contribute to the social reproduction of inequality.
影响因子：
7.6
作者：
DEVINE, PG
通讯作者：
DEVINE, PG
影响因子：
2.7
作者：
Geis, KJ;Ross, CE
通讯作者：
Ross, CE
影响因子：
7.6
作者：
Correll, J;Park, B;Wittenbrink, B
通讯作者：
Wittenbrink, B