A Histrical Linguistic Study of the Hittite Law Texts

Old Hittite original manuscripts attest at least four 3sg.Present mi-verb forms in which the ending-zi follows the vocalic stem in e or i.The intervocalic single-z-therein in taken as representing a lenited affricate。It is remarkable that these examples are all characterized by the preform*-di(，*-ti)produced by proto-Anatolian lenition rules.This evident speaks for assibilation of*d before*i in Hittite.Assibilation of*d before*i I D 5^I D 5 is also observed in the prehistory of Hittite s D 4^I D 4 iu-“god”and s D 4^I D 4 iu D 5^I D 5 att-(Old Hittite s I D4^D 4 i i D 5^D 5 iu D 5^D 5att-“天”，which probably erwent the foling^changes，presively D 5^D D 5 D^D D 5^D 5^D-d-D-4-D-d-D-d-d-D-d-D-D-4-D-d-D-d-D-4-D-d-d-D-d-D-4-d-4-d-4-d-1-‘d’d‘d-d-’d-‘d’‘d’‘d’d-d-*ai I D 5^I D 5 U D 4-I D 4-&gt；*si D 5^I D 5 U D 4-D 4-&gt；s D 4^D 4 iu-/syu D 4-D 4-D 4/and*di D 5^I D 5 D 5^D 5-ot-m D 5。Di D5/*di D5^di D5u-t-es→.*di D5^D5eu D5^D5-ot-m D5。D5/di D5^D5eu D5^D5^D5-ot-es>*di D5^D5od-/*di D5^D5od-/*di D5^D5eu D5ot，-，among which Hittite gen…More eralized the weak stem and hence*dzi I D 5^I D 5 iu D 5^I D 5 at-&gt；*zi D 5^D 5 iu D 5^I D 5 at-&gt；*si D 5^I D 5 I D 5 att-&gt；s D 4^I D 4 i D 5^I D 5 i i D 5^I D 5 att-/syiwat/.Assibilation of*d before*i is also observed in the prehistory of the reflexparticle.At the stage of Proto-Anatolian there were two variants of reflexive particle，*-ti and*-di，the latter of which was created by Proto-Anatolian lenition rules。Both*-ti and*-di still existed in Hittite internal prehistory and the Old Hittite ma-a-ni-za(with single-z-)and nu-uz-za(with double-zz-)faithfully reflect the phonological outcomes of assibilation(Followed By Later Apocope)applied to*-ti and*-di，respectively。It is also arguable that the particle*-ti(With A Lenited Dental)attached to the Hittite preterite middle ending is historically related with the reflexive particle.The reflexive*-ti which escaped being assibilated after*s was later transferred to the preterite middle endings at a pre-Hittite stage to disambiguate them from the corresponding present middle endings.Subsequently to this transfer the second lenition rule which was still alive at a pre-Hittite stage changed*-ti into*-di。Less：Less

Old Hittite original manuscripts attest at least four 3 sg. present mi-verb forms in which the ending -zi follows the vocalic stem in e or i. The intervocalic single -z- therein in taken as representing a lenited affricate. It is remarkable that these examples are all characterized by the preform *-di (, *-ti) produced by proto-Anatolian lenition rules. This evident speaks for assibilation of *d before *i in Hittite.Assibilation of *d before *iィイD5^ィエD5 is also observed in the prehistory of Hittite sィイD4^ィエD4iu-"god" and sィイD4^ィエD4iuィイD5^ィエD5att-(Old Hittite sィイD4^ィエD4iィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att-)"day", which probably underwent the following changes, respectively : *diィイD5^ィエD5eu->*dziィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> * aiィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> *siィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> sィイD4^ィエD4iu- /syuィイD4-ィエD4/and *diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-mィイD5。ィエD5/*diィイD5^ィエD5u-t-es→.*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-mィイD5。ィエD5/diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-es >*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5od-/*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5ot,-,among which Hittite gen … More eralized the weak stem and hence *dziィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5at->*ziィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5at->*siィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att->sィイD4^ィエD4iィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att-/syiwat/.Assibilation of *d before *i is also observed in the prehistory of the reflexive particle. At the stage of Proto-Anatolian there were two variants of reflexive particle, *-ti and *-di, the latter of which was created by Proto-Anatolian lenition rules. Both *-ti and *-di still existed in Hittite internal prehistory and the Old Hittite ma-a-ni-za (with single -z-) and nu-uz-za (with double -zz-) faithfully reflect the phonological outcomes of assibilation (followed by later apocope) applied to *-ti and *-di, respectively. It is also arguable that the particle *-ti(with a lenited dental) attached to the Hittite preterite middle ending is historically related with the reflexive particle. The reflexive *-ti which escaped being assibilated after *s was later transferred to the preterite middle endings at a pre-Hittite stage to disambiguate them from the corresponding present middle endings. Subsequently to this transfer the second lenition rule which was still alive at a pre-Hittite stage changed *-ti into *-di. Less