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Out of touch and out of time? A Cross-Temporal and Cross-Level Analysis of the Social and Ideological Distance between UK Voters and Political Elites

Out of touch and out of time? A Cross-Temporal and Cross-Level Analysis of the Social and Ideological Distance between UK Voters and Political Elites
失去联系并且不合时宜?
批准号:
ES/R003785/1
负责人:
Wolfgang Rudig
金额:
$20.53万
依托单位:
依托单位国家:
英国
项目类别:
Research Grant
财政年份:
2018
资助国家:
英国
项目状态:
已结题
起止时间:
2018 至 --
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中文摘要
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英文摘要
Politicians are increasingly perceived as 'out of touch' with voters. The distance between voters and the political elite appears to have grown over recent years and is seen to contribute to the rise of 'populism' and anti-democratic attitudes. Has the gap between elites and public grown so large that politicians are 'out of time' to be accepted as legitimate representatives of the electorate, or could these processes be reversed? What can political parties, policy makers and politicians do to close the gap with voters?To answer these questions, we need to understand how the "disconnect" between politicians and their voters emerged in the first place. There has been no study on the dynamics of elite-voter congruence in the UK, but the data for such an analysis are available in the shape of a series of candidate studies (1992-2015) which can be matched with electoral studies on voter attitudes. Similar candidate and voter studies are also available for the elections to devolved representative bodies in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and thus it is also possible to address the question whether and why voters and elites are more or less disjointed across different levels of government. The project seeks to combine all existing data gathered on candidate surveys in the UK. Such a dataset can then be joined with data on voters and the general public, collected in the British Election Study and its regional equivalents, to provide the basis of a dynamic study of the interaction between voters and elites in the UK. With the help of this combined dataset, we will be able to analyse a number of questions that have been of central importance in debates about representation and the workings of electoral institutions in the UK. The main focus of the analysis will be on changes over time and their interrelationship. Have candidates standing for elections become more or less 'representative' of their voters over time? What caused any movement towards decreasing representation? What influence have candidate traits such as gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, occupation and local residence had on the chances of being elected, and how has this changed over time? What is the link between these changes in social background and changes in political congruence? For example, does an increase in candidates and MPs who come from the local area they represent have an impact on the congruence in policy preferences with voters? A particular innovation of this project will be the ability to compare the attitudes and policy positions of candidates over time. Can we find evidence of a political 'life-cycle' effect with political activists taking up more radical position at the beginning of their career and then mellow as a result of age and experience? On the other hand, younger politicians might be more ambitious and thus have a greater incentive to tow the party line and suppress any more radical stances. Different policies on the selection of candidates may be considered in the light of our findings, depending on the preferences of political parties. The project will not just focus on Westminster politics but also analyse developments as a result of devolution. Many proponents of devolution thought that the elected bodies created in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales would be more representative of the people than the House of Commons. We will be able to analyse, for the first time, whether devolution has in fact produced a more representative political elite. If the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly for Wales are somewhat more representative in terms of its social make-up, what has been the effect of these changes on political congruence? This analysis of change over time will be particularly interesting in terms of attitudes to devolution. Have the political elites in these nations embraced the new institutions, or do pre-devolution conflicts still persist?
期刊论文(9)
专著(0)
科研奖励(0)
会议论文
'The personal touch': Campaign personalisation in Britain
“个人风格”:英国的竞选个性化
DOI: 10.1177/13691481211044646
发表时间: 2021
期刊: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations
影响因子: --
作者: [Townsley J]
通讯作者: Townsley J
British General Election Campaigns 1830-2019
英国大选 1830 年至 2019 年
DOI: --
发表时间: 2024
期刊:
影响因子: --
作者: [Dale Iain]
通讯作者: Dale Iain
Closing the Gap: Parliament, Representation and the Working Class
缩小差距:议会、代表权和工人阶级
DOI: --
发表时间: 2022
期刊:
影响因子: --
作者: [Harry Quilter-Pinner]
通讯作者: Harry Quilter-Pinner
The 2016 EU Referendum: Explaining Support for Brexit Among Would-Be British MPs
2016 年欧盟公投:解释未来英国议员对脱欧的支持
DOI: 10.1177/0032321720904935
发表时间: 2020
期刊: Political Studies
影响因子: 3.1
作者: [Trumm S]
通讯作者: Trumm S
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