Between Takes and Edits: media-activism against the terror politics in Brazil

上世纪90年代，里约热内卢的一个小贫民窟维拉·奥托德罗莫(Vila Autódromo)面临被拆迁的威胁。根据我对维拉·奥托德罗莫(Vila Autódromo)挣扎的研究，我的目标是扩大我的调查范围，探讨新的媒体技术如何改变和重塑当代的政治参与。视频和摄影媒体以及互联网塑造了Vila Autódromo的抵抗政治和我们的合作方法，不仅为在线反对驱逐运动制作了有影响力的视听材料，而且还为我们在公共民事诉讼中的辩护材料制作了音像材料。长期以来，主流媒体一直被用作边缘化和歧视的武器，通过电影和电视中的刻板印象来描绘黑人和低收入人口，但Vila Autódromo的人民能够利用这一点来增强自己的能力，推翻这样的形象和叙事。Vila Autódromo的故事呼应了巴西和世界各地许多其他社区的故事，他们反对种族、种族和社会清洗，甚至是文化和身体上的种族灭绝。那些想要驱逐/拆迁的人和那些与之作斗争的人的政治裂痕和对立的道德立场，随着战线的不断变化，不仅将与世界各地正在经历类似斗争的其他地方产生共鸣，也将与其他城市反对资本主义扩张的斗争产生共鸣。通过里约热内卢的城市驱逐事件来分析，这座城市的行动无处不在，反映了威权主义的其他微妙形式，在当今时代，威权主义似乎呈指数级上升。在我未来的出版物和研究活动中，我的目标是扩大焦点，探索在不同的社会和政治环境下，世界各地是如何发生武力驱逐和征用的，这是新自由主义资本主义扩张推动的全球城市驱逐现象的一部分。鉴于社会许多部分每天都在努力养活自己的餐桌和维持头上的住所，所谓的全球南方国家受到的影响要严重得多。就巴西而言，民主总是有选择地作用于不同的人群。自1980年代中期国家重新民主化以来，种族主义杀戮--即所谓的“针对城市黑人的种族灭绝”--的数量有所增加，同时针对为生存和保护其土地而挣扎的农村、土著和准隆博尔族社区的杀人案也有所增加。此外，获得公共卫生、安全、教育、文化、城市流动和就业的机会有限，这表明巴西不同社会阶层之间的严重平等。2014年开始的经济危机和最近巴西政治的激进化结合在一起，只会加剧巴西的民主计划，最脆弱的社会阶层出现了最严重的崩溃迹象。然而，对于巴西社区的黑人和穷人来说，城市对生存的斗争和他们生活条件的改善一直是他们叙述的一部分。在建立网络并广泛公开我的研究成果的同时，我打算扩大我论文中发起的跨学科辩论，即社会科学家如何在田野工作期间和之后有效地与他们接触的社区合作，特别是在侵犯人权和虐待国家的背景下。

Drawing on my research covering the struggles of Vila Autódromo, a small favela in Rio de Janeirothreatened with removal in the 1990s, I aim to expand my investigation into how new mediatechnologies can change and reshape political participation in contemporary times. The mediums ofvideo and photography and also the Internet shaped Vila Autódromo's politics of resistance and ourcollaboration methods to produce impactful audiovisual materials not only for the online campaignsagainst eviction, but also for our defence material in the public civil suits. The mainstream media haslong been used as a weapon of marginalisation and discrimination, depicting black and low-incomepopulations through stereotyping in films and television, but the people of Vila Autódromo were able touse it to their advantage to empower themselves and overturn such images and narratives.The story of Vila Autódromo echoes that of many other communities in Brazil and worldwide who havefought against ethnic, racial and social cleansing, and even cultural and physical genocide. The politicalrifts and opposing moral positions of those who wanted the evictions/demolitions and those who werefighting them, with the constantly shifting battle lines, will resonate not only with other places goingthrough similar struggles worldwide, but also other urban struggles against capitalist expansion. Thepervasiveness of the city's actions - analysed through the urban expulsions in Rio - mirrors other subtleforms of authoritarianism, which seem to be rising exponentially in the current times.In my future publications and research activities, my aim is to widen the focus by exploring how forcedevictions and expropriations have been taking place worldwide under different social and politicalcircumstances as part of a global phenomenon of urban expulsion driven by neo-liberal capitalistexpansion.The impact on the countries of the so-called Global South is far more severe given the daily struggle ofmany parts of society to put bread on their tables and keep a roof over their heads. In the case of Brazil,democracy has always worked selectively upon different populations. Since the redemocratisation of thecountry in the mid-1980s, the number of racialised killings, the so-called 'genocide against urban blackpopulations', has increased, along with the number of homicides targeting rural, indigenous and quilombolacommunities struggling for survival and the preservation of their lands. Furthermore, the limited access topublic health, security, education, culture, urban mobility and employment demonstrates the grossinequality among the different social classes in Brazil. The combination of the economic crisis that startedin 2014 and the recent radicalisation of Brazilian politics has only served to aggravate the project ofBrazilian democracy, with its worst signs of breakdown among the most vulnerable sectors of society.However, for the black and poor populations of Brazilian communities, the urban struggles for life andimprovement of their life conditions have always been part of their narrative.While networking and making my research findings widely public, I intend to expand the interdisciplinarydebate initiated in my thesis about how social scientists can effectively collaborate with the communitiesthey engage with during and after fieldwork, especially in the context of human rights violations and stateabuse.