Thinking Reproductive Politics and Racial Justice Together: Muslim Women's Movement, Rights and Ethnonationalism in Contemporary India

关注生态、反种族主义的女权主义学者最近发表的关于生殖正义的文献，在努力质疑当代女权主义的隐性先天主义时，强调了解决世界人口问题的必要性，即迫切需要减少人口数量的问题，从而产生一个婴儿将受到欢迎但罕见的世界（Haraway和Clarke 2018）。然而，当代印度国家机器将这个关键的人口问题简化为印度教民族主义者对“非企业家”宗教少数群体（即穆斯林）的“人口扩张”的恐惧。在我博士学位的基础上，这项奖学金将帮助我发表两篇重要的期刊文章。第一篇文章将提交给《国际女权主义政治杂志》，将追溯当代民族主义者从“人口侵略性”穆斯林手中“拯救女儿”的努力的历史基础。现有文献的根源完全在于神权话语（Ahmad 1998， R. Guha 2017）。相反，我认为这种民族民族主义恐惧症的基础在于一个非神权的时刻，当时印度的政治-法律和学术话语断言，女性胎儿/未来女孩的“生存权”将完全基于她成为经济人的“能力”，效用最大化，成本效益计算，企业家主体或相同的生产者（福柯2008）。第二篇期刊文章——将提交给《sign》——通过从法律制度本身的“对象”（即身体受这些制度影响最大的少数民族女性）的角度增加了新的视角，增强了我的博士学位。印度政府目前表示，虽然《公民身份修正法案》（2019年）间接禁止来自三个穆斯林占多数的国家的穆斯林进入印度，将减少“非法移民”的入境，但新的“二孩规范”和防止宗教间婚姻的反异族法律制度将通过遏制已经“非法”进入印度的人的出生率来加强该法案的目标。穆斯林被“科学地”生产为一个“不适合”接受生育权利的“现代性”的人口类别。这项研究通过访谈、社交媒体分析和对演讲和口号的仔细阅读，将向我们展示印度的非暴力穆斯林妇女运动如何向我们展示如何抵制公民身份修正案与新的人口政策之间前所未有的联系。通过对多物种生殖正义的研究，我将展示这一至关重要的后殖民女权主义运动是如何使种族正义问题成为女权主义者关于性别正义特别是生殖正义的主张的核心（Ruha Benjamin in Haraway and Clarke 2018）。除了有助于建立我的跟踪记录并因此努力争取未来研究经费的文章外，该项目还有两个以影响为导向的目标。首先，它将包括组织一个由各行各业的利益相关者参加的虚拟研讨会，这些利益相关者直接投资于展示保护妇女（人权）权利的话语如何经常被用作部署法律机构迫害印度宗教少数群体的借口。这次研讨会也将使我和其他人有机会分享我们的工作，并与从事印度人口法律种族化工作的不同专业人士建立团结网络。其次，我将通过基于新闻采访的文章或音频播客、报纸文章和伦敦金史密斯学院（Goldsmiths College）和苏塞克斯大学（University of Sussex）的研讨会演讲来传播研讨会和文章摘要。这些活动旨在将研究范围扩展到其他大学，以及学术以外的受众。

Recent literature on reproductive justice by ecologically-concerned, anti-racist feminist scholars, in their efforts to question contemporary feminism's tacit pronatalism, have emphasised the need to address the world population question, i.e. the question of the urgent need to reduce human numbers, thereby giving birth to a world where babies will be welcome but rare (Haraway and Clarke 2018). However, the contemporary Indian State apparatus has reduced this crucial population question to a mere Hindu ethnonationalist fear of the 'demographic expansion' of the 'non-entrepreneurial' religious minority (i.e. the Muslims). This fellowship, building upon my PhD, will help me publish two key journal articles. The first article - to be submitted to the 'International Feminist Journal of Politics' - will trace the historical foundations of the contemporary ethnonationalist efforts at 'Saving the Daughter' from the 'demographically aggressive' Muslim. The existing literature traces its roots exclusively in theocratic discourses (Ahmad 1998, R. Guha 2017). Instead, I argue that the foundation of this ethnonationalist phobia lies in a non-theocratic moment, when politico-legal and academic discourses in India asserted that the female foetus/ future girl child's 'Right to Life' will be grounded solely on her 'capability' to become a homo economicus, a utility-maximising, cost-benefit calculating, entrepreneurial subject, or producers of the same (Foucault 2008).The second journal article - to be submitted to 'Signs' - enhances my PhD by adding a new perspective from the 'objects' of the legal regimes themselves, i.e. minoritarian women whose bodies are most impacted by these regimes. The Indian State currently suggests that while a Citizenship Amendment Act (2019), indirectly outlawing Muslims arriving in India from three Muslim-majority nations, will reduce the entry of the 'illegal immigrant', a new 'Two-Child Norm' and an anti-miscegenetic legal regime preventing interfaith marriages will strengthen the objectives of this Act by curbing the birth-rate of the ones who have - albeit 'illegally' - already entered. The Muslims are 'scientifically' produced as a demographic category that is 'unfit' to accept the 'modernity' of reproductive rights. This study - through interviews, social media analysis and a close reading of speeches and slogans - will demonstrate the ways in which a non-violent Muslim women's movement in India can show us how to resist this unprecedented liaison between the citizenship-amendment laws and the new demographic policies. Drawing on research on multi-species reproductive justice, I will show how this crucial postcolonial feminist movement is thereby making the question of racial justice central to feminist assertions on gender justice in general and reproductive justice in particular (Ruha Benjamin in Haraway and Clarke 2018).In addition to the articles that will help in establishing my track record and therefore in working towards being competitive for future research funding, the project has two impact-oriented goals. First, it will include the organisation of a virtual symposium with stakeholders from varied walks of life who are directly invested in showing how the discourse of protection of women's (human) rights are routinely used as an alibi for deploying the legal apparatus to persecute religious minorities in India. This symposium will also give me and others an opportunity to share our work and develop solidarity networks with individuals from different professions working on the racialisation of India's demographic laws. Second, I will disseminate the symposium's and the articles' summaries via a journalistic interview-based article or an audio podcast, a newspaper article, and seminar presentations at Goldsmiths College in London and at the University of Sussex. These events are aimed at extending the reach of the research to other universities, and also to extra-academic audiences.