Thinking Reproductive Politics and Racial Justice Together: Muslim Women's Movement, Rights and Ethnonationalism in Contemporary India

一起思考生殖政治和种族正义：当代印度的穆斯林妇女运动、权利和民族主义

• 批准号: ES/W006723/1
• 负责人: Sreenanti Banerjee
• 金额: $ 12.5万
• 依托单位: Goldsmiths University of London
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Fellowship
• 财政年份: 2021
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2021 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=ES%2FW006723%2F1
• 关键词: Thinking; Reproductive; Politics; Racial; Justice

Recent literature on reproductive justice by ecologically-concerned, anti-racist feminist scholars, in their efforts to question contemporary feminism's tacit pronatalism, have emphasised the need to address the world population question, i.e. the question of the urgent need to reduce human numbers, thereby giving birth to a world where babies will be welcome but rare (Haraway and Clarke 2018). However, the contemporary Indian State apparatus has reduced this crucial population question to a mere Hindu ethnonationalist fear of the 'demographic expansion' of the 'non-entrepreneurial' religious minority (i.e. the Muslims). This fellowship, building upon my PhD, will help me publish two key journal articles. The first article - to be submitted to the 'International Feminist Journal of Politics' - will trace the historical foundations of the contemporary ethnonationalist efforts at 'Saving the Daughter' from the 'demographically aggressive' Muslim. The existing literature traces its roots exclusively in theocratic discourses (Ahmad 1998, R. Guha 2017). Instead, I argue that the foundation of this ethnonationalist phobia lies in a non-theocratic moment, when politico-legal and academic discourses in India asserted that the female foetus/ future girl child's 'Right to Life' will be grounded solely on her 'capability' to become a homo economicus, a utility-maximising, cost-benefit calculating, entrepreneurial subject, or producers of the same (Foucault 2008).The second journal article - to be submitted to 'Signs' - enhances my PhD by adding a new perspective from the 'objects' of the legal regimes themselves, i.e. minoritarian women whose bodies are most impacted by these regimes. The Indian State currently suggests that while a Citizenship Amendment Act (2019), indirectly outlawing Muslims arriving in India from three Muslim-majority nations, will reduce the entry of the 'illegal immigrant', a new 'Two-Child Norm' and an anti-miscegenetic legal regime preventing interfaith marriages will strengthen the objectives of this Act by curbing the birth-rate of the ones who have - albeit 'illegally' - already entered. The Muslims are 'scientifically' produced as a demographic category that is 'unfit' to accept the 'modernity' of reproductive rights. This study - through interviews, social media analysis and a close reading of speeches and slogans - will demonstrate the ways in which a non-violent Muslim women's movement in India can show us how to resist this unprecedented liaison between the citizenship-amendment laws and the new demographic policies. Drawing on research on multi-species reproductive justice, I will show how this crucial postcolonial feminist movement is thereby making the question of racial justice central to feminist assertions on gender justice in general and reproductive justice in particular (Ruha Benjamin in Haraway and Clarke 2018).In addition to the articles that will help in establishing my track record and therefore in working towards being competitive for future research funding, the project has two impact-oriented goals. First, it will include the organisation of a virtual symposium with stakeholders from varied walks of life who are directly invested in showing how the discourse of protection of women's (human) rights are routinely used as an alibi for deploying the legal apparatus to persecute religious minorities in India. This symposium will also give me and others an opportunity to share our work and develop solidarity networks with individuals from different professions working on the racialisation of India's demographic laws. Second, I will disseminate the symposium's and the articles' summaries via a journalistic interview-based article or an audio podcast, a newspaper article, and seminar presentations at Goldsmiths College in London and at the University of Sussex. These events are aimed at extending the reach of the research to other universities, and also to extra-academic audiences.

关注生态的反种族主义女权主义学者最近关于生殖正义的文献，在他们质疑当代女权主义的隐性生殖主义的努力中，强调了解决世界人口问题的必要性，即迫切需要减少人类数量的问题，从而产生一个婴儿受欢迎但罕见的世界（Haraway和Clarke 2018）。然而，当代印度国家机器已经将这一关键的人口问题简化为仅仅是印度民族主义者对“非企业家”宗教少数群体（即穆斯林）的“人口扩张”的恐惧。这个奖学金，在我的博士学位的基础上，将帮助我发表两篇重要的期刊文章。第一篇文章-将提交给“国际女权主义政治杂志”-将追溯当代民族主义者从“人口侵略”穆斯林中“拯救女儿”的历史基础。现有的文献追溯其根源完全在神权话语（艾哈迈德1998年，R。Guha 2017）。相反，我认为，这种民族主义恐惧症的基础在于一个非神权的时刻，当印度的政治法律和学术话语断言，女性胎儿/未来女孩的“生命权”将完全基于她的“能力”成为一个经济人，一个效用最大化，成本效益计算，创业主体，或相同的生产者（福柯2008）。第二篇期刊文章-将提交给“迹象”-通过从法律的政权本身的“对象”增加一个新的视角来增强我的博士学位，即少数民族妇女，她们的身体受到这些政权的影响最大。印度政府目前表示，虽然《公民身份修正案》（2019年）间接禁止来自三个穆斯林占多数的国家的穆斯林进入印度，但这将减少“非法移民”的入境，一项新的“两孩标准”和一项防止不同信仰间婚姻的反混血法律的制度将通过控制那些--尽管是“非法的”--的出生率来加强这项法案的目标：已经进入。穆斯林是“科学”产生的人口类别，是“不适合”接受生殖权利的“现代性”。这项研究-通过访谈，社交媒体分析和演讲和口号的密切阅读-将展示印度非暴力穆斯林妇女运动如何向我们展示如何抵制公民修正法和新人口政策之间前所未有的联系。根据对多物种生殖公正的研究，我将展示这场至关重要的后殖民女权主义运动如何使种族正义问题成为女权主义者关于性别正义，特别是生殖正义的主张的核心（Ruha Benjamin in Haraway and Clarke 2018）除了有助于建立我的记录并因此在未来的研究资金方面具有竞争力的文章外，该项目有两个注重影响的目标。首先，它将包括组织一次虚拟专题讨论会，与会者来自各行各业，他们直接致力于展示保护妇女（人权）权利的言论如何经常被用作借口，用来部署法律的工具来迫害印度的宗教少数群体。这次研讨会也将使我和其他人有机会分享我们的工作，并与从事印度人口法律种族化工作的不同职业的个人建立团结网络。其次，我将通过一篇基于新闻采访的文章或音频播客、一篇报纸文章以及在伦敦金史密斯学院和苏塞克斯大学的研讨会演讲来传播研讨会和文章的摘要。这些活动旨在将研究范围扩大到其他大学，以及学术界以外的受众。