Rethinking Salafi/Wahhabi transnational and the limits of state power in North Africa

重新思考萨拉菲/瓦哈比跨国组织和北非国家权力的局限性

• 批准号: ES/X005232/1
• 负责人: Guy Eyre
• 金额: $ 12.16万
• 依托单位: Lancaster University
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Fellowship
• 财政年份: 2022
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2022 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=ES%2FX005232%2F1
• 关键词: Rethinking; Salafi; Wahhabi; transnational; limits

The relationship between Sunni Islamic fundamentalism - known as 'Salafism' or 'Wahhabism' - and modern politics is Salafis' central dilemma (Meijer 2009): Can they adhere to God's injunctions as the supreme authority and simultaneously acquiesce to the 'secular' political power of the modern state where the rulers do not impose (strict) Islamic law? Scholarship on Salafism largely studies Salafi groups, such as al-Qaeda and the 'Islamic State', who engage in political violence as the principal political grassroots challenge to state authority and security across the Muslim (and non-Muslim) world (Cavatorta and Merone 2015). My doctoral work contested this, however. Instead it argued that the overwhelming majority of Salafis worldwide in fact reject violence and politics as 'corrupt', and focus instead on bottom-up grassroots religious education. My doctoral work argued that scholars of Salafism reduce politics to running for political office and engaging in political violence. They thus dismiss these large numbers of Salafis who reject politics from the academic radar as 'non-political' 'quietists' (see Meijer 2016). In this way, my research asked: Do purportedly 'quietist' Salafis do politics, even when they claim they don't? And if so, how? Bringing political theory and ethnographic fieldwork with Salafis in Morocco, my research responded to this question and challenged extant scholarship. Specifically, it argued that these 'quietist' Salafis in fact do do a politics of drawing difference between their group and other groups and state institutions at the level of key normative concepts in wide circulation: (democratic) politics, protests, and tolerance. Scholars thus miss the nature of a global 'fundamentalist' project focused on challenging the state authority not via revolutionary violence or party politics, but instead through radically reshaping the beliefs and norms of society from below, thus challenging the state's ability to shape citizens in its own image. Through the Fellowship I will disseminate my findings to stakeholders concerned with Islamic and religious fundamentalism. To maximise impact, I will expand my network with academic and non-academic actors and make insights available to the general public through blog posts and a short Woolf Institute/BBC radio podcast. Via the Fellowship, I will develop my track record and contribute to academic debates by publishing my findings. I will also conduct vital preliminary fieldwork in Algeria as part of my second major research project, a first multi-country comparative study of the global vs national drivers of Salafi groups in North Africa. Finally, the Fellowship will help me develop my academic career by participating in career development and applying for subsequent research funding. UoL is the perfect host research organisation for my project. Its 'Knowledge Exchange Office' and The Richardson Institute offer unique opportunities for networking, sharing findings, and collaborating on future research. The Department has deep and frequent policy connections. My mentor Simon Mabon brings world-renowned interdisciplinary expertise on Islamic studies, politics, and political theory to my project via his research and supervision of postdoctoral students. Via weekly meetings, Simon Mabon's extensive experience publishing on Islamic politics in the Middle East and North Africa (Mabon 2015; Johnson and Mabon 2018; Mabon 2019), and Salafi and Islamist movements (Mabon and Royle 2016; Mabon 2017; Mabon and Menshawy 2021) in journals that I'm also targeting will help develop my track record. I chose Simon Mabon because we both believe studying Islamic fundamentalism requires different disciplinary perspectives. With Simon Mabon I will bring Lancaster researchers from different disciplines and faculties working on Islamic fundamentalism to stimulate cross-faculty and -disciplinary collaboration on the topic.

逊尼派伊斯兰原教旨主义-被称为“萨拉菲主义”或“瓦哈比主义”-与现代政治之间的关系是萨拉菲派的核心困境（Meijer 2009）：他们能坚持上帝的禁令作为最高权威，同时默许现代国家的“世俗”政治权力，统治者不强加（严格的）伊斯兰法律吗？萨拉菲主义的学术研究主要研究萨拉菲派团体，如基地组织和“伊斯兰国”，他们参与政治暴力，作为对穆斯林（和非穆斯林）世界国家权威和安全的主要政治基层挑战（Cavatorta和Merone 2015）。然而，我的博士研究反驳了这一点。相反，它认为世界上绝大多数的萨拉菲派实际上拒绝暴力和政治“腐败”，而是专注于自下而上的基层宗教教育。我的博士论文认为萨拉菲主义的学者将政治简化为竞选政治职位和参与政治暴力。因此，他们将这些大量拒绝政治的萨拉菲派从学术雷达中视为“非政治的”“安静主义者”（见Meijer 2016）。通过这种方式，我的研究提出了这样一个问题：所谓的“安静主义者”萨拉菲派是否参与政治，即使他们声称自己不参与政治？如果有，是怎么做到的？通过对摩洛哥萨拉菲派的政治理论和民族志实地考察，我的研究回答了这个问题，并挑战了现有的学术研究。具体来说，它认为这些“安静主义者”萨拉菲派实际上确实在广泛流传的关键规范概念（民主）政治，抗议和宽容的层面上，在他们的群体与其他群体和国家机构之间建立了区别。因此，学者们忽略了全球“原教旨主义”项目的本质，该项目不是通过革命暴力或政党政治来挑战国家权威，而是通过从底层根本上重塑社会的信仰和规范，从而挑战国家按照自己的形象塑造公民的能力。通过研究金，我将把我的调查结果传播给与伊斯兰和宗教原教旨主义有关的利益攸关方。为了最大限度地发挥影响力，我将扩大我与学术界和非学术界人士的网络，并通过博客文章和伍尔夫研究所/英国广播公司的简短广播播客向公众提供见解。通过奖学金，我将发展我的记录，并通过发表我的发现为学术辩论做出贡献。我还将在阿尔及利亚进行重要的初步实地考察，这是我第二个主要研究项目的一部分，这是北非萨拉菲派团体全球与国家驱动因素的首次多国比较研究。最后，奖学金将通过参与职业发展和申请后续的研究经费来帮助我发展我的学术生涯。UoL是我项目的理想宿主研究机构。它的“知识交流办公室”和理查森研究所为建立网络、分享发现和合作开展未来研究提供了独特的机会。该部门有着深厚而频繁的政策联系。我的导师Simon Mabon通过他对博士后的研究和监督，为我的项目带来了世界知名的伊斯兰研究、政治和政治理论方面的跨学科专业知识。通过每周的会议，西蒙·马本（Simon Mabon）在中东和北非的伊斯兰政治（Mabon 2015; Johnson and Mabon 2018; Mabon 2019）以及萨拉菲派和伊斯兰运动（Mabon and Royle 2016; Mabon 2017; Mabon and Menshawy 2021）上发表的丰富经验也将帮助我发展自己的业绩记录。我选择西蒙·马本是因为我们都认为研究伊斯兰原教旨主义需要不同的学科视角。我将与西蒙·马本（Simon Mabon）一起，邀请兰开斯特大学来自不同学科和院系的研究伊斯兰原教旨主义的研究人员，以促进该主题上的跨学院和跨学科合作。