Transnational Feminist Movements to End Violence against Women (VAW): Pathways from Protest to Policy

对妇女的暴力日益被认为是地球上最广泛的侵犯人权行为。它影响着全球超过12亿人，其规模、范围和复杂性都是无与伦比的。尽管对妇女的暴力行为在政府间机构、国家政府和民间社会的政策和发展议程上占有重要地位，但人们并不总是认为它是一种犯罪。通过询问这种态度和意识的转变，并记录女权主义组织在影响规范发展方面的作用，我的研究旨在帮助设计变革性的政策干预措施，遏制深层次偏见的结构性根源。2015年是具有里程碑意义的《北京宣言》和《行动纲领》发表20周年。事实上，一位出生于1995年的女权主义者经历了从青春期到成年期的微妙过渡，围绕女性赋权的积极政治言论在她的耳朵里回荡。然而，随着2017年的开始，她每天早上继续被不平等、暴力和歧视的毁灭性故事所困扰；无论是俄罗斯将家庭暴力合法化，一个女儿因未经家人同意而在巴基斯坦结婚而被烧死，布罗克·特纳与一名昏迷女子的《20分钟行动》，还是阿根廷16岁女孩露西亚·佩雷斯被强奸并谋杀的事件。头条新闻充斥着宣布性别政策优先事项以及对女性赋权和解放的新投资。无论是年份、暴力行为还是国家，历史都证明了女权主义组织在追究政府责任和挑战支撑不平等的性别权力动态方面所扮演的角色。无论是北京行动纲领的集体扩散，还是妇女在阿拉伯之春起义中发挥的催化作用，还是拉丁美洲各地动员起来表达对露西娅·佩雷斯之死的愤慨的数千名妇女；女权主义组织有多种形式。然而，最近在华盛顿举行的妇女游行运动中，一条横幅提出的问题引起了共鸣：为什么我们还在为同样的运动而战？为什么--尽管反对意识的发展和女权主义者的动员；尽管各国政府和有影响力的发展捐赠者的支持--针对妇女的暴力行为(VAW)仍然是每个大洲每个角落日常生活中普遍存在的一部分？也许这是因为，与快速通道发展议程所追求的简单性不同，这种结构变化不是线性的，需要挑战基本的发展假设，承认复杂的权力关系，以及将新规则制度化的重要性。我的研究希望找出从抗议到权力的关键因素，并突出女权主义组织的良好做法，为设计变革性政策干预提供信息，以结束VAW。研究问题：跨国女权运动可以通过哪些方式影响采取变革性政策来结束VAW？相关问题--女权主义组织在打击VAW方面的历史作用是什么？哪些因素影响了女权主义干预的有效性？--目前在打击VAW方面面临哪些挑战，跨国女权组织在应对这些挑战方面处于怎样的有利地位？

Violence against women is increasingly recognized as the widest human rights violation onearth. Impacting more than 1.2 billion individuals globally, it is unparalleled in its scale, scopeand complexity. Although violence against women sits high on the policy and developmentagenda of intergovernmental institutions, national governments and civil society; peoplehave not always considered it a crime. By interrogating this shift in attitude and awareness,and documenting the role of feminist organising in influencing norm development, myresearch aims at contributing to the design of transformative policy interventions whichtackle the structural roots of underlying prejudices.2015 celebrated the 20-year anniversary of the landmark Beijing Declaration and Platformfor Action. In real terms, a feminist born in 1995 has navigated the delicate transition fromadolescence into adulthood with positive political rhetoric around women's empowermentringing in her ears. And yet, as 2017 begins, she continues to awake each morning todevastating stories of inequity, violence and discrimination; whether it be Russia'sdecriminalisation of domestic violence, a daughter burnt in Pakistan for marrying withouther family's consent, Brock Turner's '20 minutes of action' with an unconscious woman, orthe rape and murder of 16 year-old Lucia Perez in Argentina. Headlines sit astride articlesannouncing gender policy priorities and new investment in women's empowerment andemancipation.No matter the year, the violent act or the country, history pays testament to the role offeminist organising in holding governments to account and challenging the gendered powerdynamics which underpin inequality. Be it in the collective proliferation of the BeijingPlatform for Action, the catalysing role played by women in the Arab Spring uprisings or thetens of thousands of women who mobilised across Latin America to express outrage overthe death of Lucia Perez; feminist organising takes many forms. However, the questionposed by a banner at the recent Women's March Movement in Washington DC resonates:'Why are we still fighting these same campaigns?' Why - despite the development ofoppositional consciousness and mobilisation of feminists; despite the championing bygovernments and influential development donors - does violence against women (VAW)remain an endemic part of everyday life in every corner of every continent? Perhaps it isbecause, unlike the simplicity sought by fast-track development agendas, this kind ofstructural change is not linear and requires the challenging of fundamental developmentassumptions, the recognition of complex power relationships and the importance ofinstitutionalising new norms.Rooted in the perspectives of feminists, my research hopes to identify factors which haveproven critical to navigating pathways from protest to power and highlight good practiceexamples of feminist organising to inform the design of transformative policy interventionsto end VAW.Research Question:In what ways can transnational feminist movements influence the adoption oftransformative policy to end VAW?Related questions- What is the historic role of feminist organising in combatting VAW and what factorshave influenced the effectiveness of feminist interventions?- What are the current challenges with respect to combatting VAW and how wellplaced are transnational feminist organisations to respond to those challenges?