'Instructional Print Culture and the Morality Play, 1536-1594'.

人们通常认为早期的英国戏剧都是通过表演来完成的。没有戏剧经验，必然是短暂的，这些道德说教的戏剧陷入沉默;如果印刷，它只是为表演团提供剧本，让他们在舞台上复活（字面意思是让他们从死亡中复活）。我认为，在早期的现代世界中，情况并非如此。我的研究将解决莎士比亚之前的都铎戏剧如何作为自助文学的一种类型，通过页面和舞台来改善观众。在16世纪90年代伦敦剧院的商业繁荣之前，道德剧的文本出版是为了对阅读它们的有文化的外行人在道德上、教学上或实际上有所帮助。我将通过研究16世纪的原始版本来做到这一点，作为印刷商和出版商的文本接受行为，他们意识到道德剧作为印刷教学的娱乐类型的潜力。剧本常常被狭隘地视为记录戏剧事件的尝试;我将通过将“剧本”视为一种普遍多孔的人工制品来陌生化这一老生常谈的类别，旨在以其他印刷作品的风格阅读指导，奉献和参考-如手册，教科书，布道，甚至年鉴或字典。这将是对文艺复兴时期戏剧类型界限的修正主义探究，调查道德剧的视觉和主题与有用文本的关系，这些文本可能塑造了它们的接受，并赋予它们作为阅读材料的实用性。我的项目将是第一次研究其他文本的页面设计，教学技巧和道德信息对这一传统进入印刷的影响，从宗教改革后的新教鼎盛时期到1580年代后的其他戏剧流派的适应和替代。19世纪中叶最具代表性的本土戏剧威廉·科普兰（1548 - 1565年间，他参与了九部戏剧的改编），托马斯科尔韦尔（七，从1562年至1575年），约翰阿尔德（七，从c.1565年至c.1570年），和理查德琼斯（十，从1569年至1594年）。我将根据这些戏剧的道德图式，将其分为三大类：一类是人物全部或主要以美德和罪恶命名的，如威廉·韦格尔和乌尔比安·富尔韦尔的戏剧;一类是道德实验剧，与世俗或历史人物一起使用象征主义，如阿庇俄斯和弗吉尼亚或托马斯、普雷斯顿的《坎比塞斯》;而那些似乎独立于道德游戏惯例的作品，如加默·古尔顿的《针》（科尔韦尔印刷），特伦蒂安的《杰克·杂耍者》（阿尔德和科普兰），或马洛的《伟大的坦伯莱恩》（琼斯）。这最后一组是最小的，但受到了最重要的关注，这将有助于我完善我的发现，并有助于正在进行的学术辩论，古典和人文主义对都铎戏剧的影响。1536年，英国宗教改革前最重要的戏剧印刷商约翰·拉斯特尔去世，托马斯·贝尔特莱特（Thomas Berthelet）印刷了15世纪的对话集《潜水者与穷人》（Dives and Pauper）的最后一版，仍然是密集的完整的方块，是最早的手稿中的“中世纪”版。1594年，根据艾伦B。在法默和扎卡里·莱塞的帮助下，出现了第一次印刷戏剧的商业“繁荣”，这些戏剧是从公共剧场向观众推销的。然而，那一年也看到了最后一部印刷的道德剧，理查德琼斯的《认识无赖的诀窍》，它将新的城市喜剧与老式的人格化（其中一个角色是“诚实”）混合在一起，并显示了约翰拉斯特尔在戏剧文化中所认可的说教模式的持续活力，这种戏剧文化已经超越了他的职业生涯。

It is often thought that early English plays did all of their work through performance. Without the theatrical experience, necessarily fugitive, these moralising dramas fell mute; if printed, it was only to provide acting troupes with scripts to revive them (literally, return them from death) onstage. I argue that this was not the case in the early modern world. My research will address how Tudor drama in the age before Shakespeare functioned as a genre of self-help literature, bettering its audience through the page no less than the stage. I will test the theory that, before the commercial flourishing of London's theatres in the 1590s, the texts of morality plays were published to be ethically, didactically, or practically helpful to the literate laypeople who read them. I will do this by studying the original sixteenth-century editions as an act of textual reception by their printers and publishers, who realised the morality play's potential as an entertaining genre of printed instruction. Too often, playbooks are narrowly approached as attempts to record a theatrical event; I will defamiliarize this well-worn category by treating the 'playbook' as a generically porous artefact, designed to be read in the style of other printed works of instruction, devotion, and reference - such as manuals, schoolbooks, sermons, and even almanacs or dictionaries. This will be a revisionist inquiry into the boundaries of genre in Renaissance drama, investigating morality plays' visual and thematic relationship to useful texts which may have shaped their reception and given them utility as reading material. My project will be the first study of the influence of other texts' page-designs, didactic techniques, and moral messages on the emergence of this tradition into print, from its Protestant heyday after the Reformation to its adaptation and replacement by other dramatic genres after the 1580s.My case studies will be four London stationers who printed or published, between them, most of the defining vernacular dramas of the mid-century: William Copland (who had a hand in nine dramatic editions from c.1548-c.1565), Thomas Colwell (seven, from 1562-75), John Allde (seven, from c.1565-c.1570), and Richard Jones (ten, from 1569-94). I will study these plays in three broad divisions, according to their moral schemata: those whose characters are all or predominantly named for virtues and vices, such as the plays of William Wager and Ulpian Fulwell; those which experiment with morality play symbolism alongside secular or historical characters, such as Apius and Virginia or Thomas Preston's Cambises; and those which appear independent of morality play convention, such as Gammer Gurton's Needle (printed by Colwell), the Terentian experiment Jack Juggler (Allde and Copland), or Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great (Jones). This last group is the smallest but has received the most critical attention, which will help me to refine my findings and contribute to the ongoing scholarly debates about classical and humanist influences on Tudor drama.My chosen dates are significant in the history of the representation of moral dialogue in moveable type. In 1536, England's dominant pre-Reformation play-printer, John Rastell, died - and the final edition of the fifteenth-century dialogue Dives and Pauper was printed by Thomas Berthelet, still set in dense unbroken blocks, the 'medieval' mise-en-page of its earliest manuscripts. In 1594, according to Alan B. Farmer and Zachary Lesser, there occurred the first commercial 'boom' of printed drama marketed at audiences from the public playhouses. However, that year also saw one of the final printed morality plays, Richard Jones's edition of A Knack to Know a Knave, which mixes the new city comedy with old-fashioned personification (one of its characters is 'Honesty'), and shows the continued vitality of a didactic mode John Rastell would have recognised in a theatrical culture which had changed beyond his recognitio