No Stone Unturned: Legacies of Cemetery Destruction during Ethnic Conflict and New Approaches to Transitional Justice

千方百计：种族冲突期间公墓破坏的遗产和过渡时期司法的新方法

• 批准号: 2754930
• 金额: --
• 依托单位: London School of Economics and Political Science
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Studentship
• 财政年份: 2022
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2022 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 未结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=studentship-2754930
• 关键词: No; Stone; Unturned; Legacies; Cemetery

No Stone Unturned: Legacies of Cemetery Destruction during Ethnic Conflict and New Approaches to Transitional JusticeSummary:Witnessing the Serb destruction of the mosque and cemetery in Banja Luka in 1993, during the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina, a Muslim resident lamented that: 'It is as though they have torn our heart out. They want us to understand we have no place here' (Walasek 2015: 29).The destruction of cultural heritage is gaining recognition as a fundamental tenet of ethnic violence and genocide. Because cultural heritage is imbued with symbolism of collective belonging, it is vulnerable to opponents seeking to erase visible evidence of the 'other'. Through such violence, societal boundaries are reorganised, transforming collective identities. However, the significant legacy of cultural destruction on collective identity formation is neglected in transitional justice, featuring anecdotally in studies without systematic codification or analysis.The young field of transitional justice - the mechanisms addressing war crimes and human rights violations (Teital 2000) - has reached an impasse. Contemporary critiques abound, highlighting decontextualised 'one-size-fits-all' and 'top-down' solutions (Nagy 2008), the neglect of gendered patterns of violence (Tabak 2011), and its possible subversion to inflict further harm (Loyle and Davenport 2016). I argue that shortcomings in transitional justice are underpinned by a failure to understand how communal identities are changed by conflict dynamics themselves, overlooking the processes of violence and wartime experiences which shape communities' identities and their post-conflict needs. My research addresses this scholarly and policy gap. We first must understand how violence transforms local communities if we are then to develop mechanisms directly addressing their needs. My research will ultimately contribute to emerging scholarships on community-based, grassroots approaches to reconceptualising transitional justice (Giblin 2014; Moffett et al. 2019), offering novel findings to legacies of violence using cultural destruction methods. My findings will ultimately strengthen locally-informed approaches to rethinking transitional justice, but the scope of this research is an in-depth exploration of how wartime cultural destruction transforms societies and collective identities.I will employ Qualitative Comparative Analysis between two cases of cemetery destruction during ethnic conflict - examining the impact and legacy of this violence on collective identity formation from a relational perspective. Comparison provides a stronger analytical baseline than a single case, offering hypothesis-generation without weakening focused analysis (Hall 2003). I will use discourse analysis of mixed methods, principally semi-structured interviews and visual analysis. Discourses are articulated through diverse visual and verbal mechanisms, so employing mixed-methods will offer insight into unexplored dimensions of cultural destruction. My cases are the cemetery destruction in Divic, Bosnia-Herzegovina, in 1993, and in Nakhichevan, Azerbaijan, beginning in 1998 and, following temporary cessation requested by UNESCO, culminating in 2005. Cemetery destruction - common during ethno-nationalist violence - is a powerful tool with which to understand the social impact of cultural violence because it straddles multiple dimensions of contemporary internal conflict: destruction of the everyday, destruction of the historical, destruction of the collective, and also destruction of the deeply personal. However, unlike other heritage items, cemeteries cannot be conventionally 'reconstructed'. Given that the traditional aim of rebuilding heritage is returning it to its prewar 'authentic' state (Moffett et al 2019: 4), cemetery destruction requires that we think innovatively about the underlying intention of reconstruction itself.

毫无疑问：在种族冲突期间的墓地破坏遗产和过渡法官的新方法：在1993年，在波斯尼亚 - 黑塞哥维那（Bosnia-Herzegovina）的冲突中，穆斯林居住的居住在波斯尼亚 - 黑塞哥维那（Bosnia-Herzegovina）的冲突中，见证了贝尼亚卢卡（Banja Luka）清真寺和墓地的塞族销毁。他们希望我们理解我们在这里没有位置。因为文化遗产充满了集体归属的象征意义，所以它容易受到寻求删除“其他”的可见证据的反对者。通过这种暴力，社会界限被重组，改变了集体身份。然而，过渡司法在没有系统的编纂或分析的研究中轶事忽略了文化破坏对集体身份形成的重要遗产。过渡司法的年轻领域 - 解决战争犯罪和侵犯人权行为的机制（Teital 2000）已达到Impasse。当代的批评比比皆是，强调了脱皮的“单一适合所有”和“自上而下”的解决方案（Nagy 2008），对性别暴力的忽视（Tabak 2011）以及其可能造成进一步伤害的颠覆性（Loyle and Davenport 2016）。我认为，过渡正义的缺点是未能理解冲突动态本身如何改变公共身份的基础，忽视了影响社区身份及其冲突后需求的暴力和战时经历的过程。我的研究解决了这一学术和政策差距。我们首先必须了解暴力如何改变当地社区，然后再开发直接满足其需求的机制。我的研究最终将有助于基于社区的基层方法来重新概念化过渡司法的新兴奖学金（Giblin 2014； Moffett等人，2019年），为使用文化破坏方法提供了新发现的暴力遗产。我的发现最终将加强本地知识的方法来重新思考过渡正义，但是这项研究的范围是对战时文化毁灭如何改变社会和集体身份的深入探索。我将在民族冲突期间的两次公墓破坏案件之间采用定性比较分析，从而在民族冲突期间探讨了这种侵害性和统一性的侵害性的侵害性，这是一种依赖性的认同。比较提供了比单个情况更强的分析基线，从而提供了假设产生而不削弱集中分析的情况（Hall 2003）。我将使用混合方法的话语分析，主要半结构化访谈和视觉分析。话语是通过各种视觉和言语机制来阐明的，因此采用混合方法将提供对未开发的文化破坏维度的见解。我的案件是1993年的波斯尼亚 - 黑塞哥维那（Bosnia -Herzegovina）和阿塞拜疆纳基凡凡（Nakhichevan）的墓地毁灭，从1998年开始，在联合国教科文组织的暂时戒烟之后，最终暂时停止，最终在2005年达到最高态度。在2005年，公墓销毁 - 在民族民族主义的侵害中常见 - 与人民群体的共同行为 - 与社交相关的工具，这是一定会构成强大的社交工具，即在强大的范围内，即在范围内施加了范围，即在范围内造成的社交效果。当代内部冲突的维度：破坏日常的，破坏历史的集体，以及对深层个人的破坏。但是，与其他遗产物品不同，墓地通常不能“重建”。鉴于重建遗产的传统目的是将其恢复到战前的“真实”状态（Moffett等人2019：4），墓地破坏要求我们对重建本身的基本意图进行创新思考。