A Gendered Revolution: The Ideology, Activism, and Perception of Ireland's Republican Women, 1910-1925

自20世纪80年代以来，学术界对爱尔兰革命时期(1910-1925年)的女性给予了更多的关注。由于可获得的资料有限，像玛格丽特·沃德这样的先驱大多进行了宏观层面的研究，阐明了女性对爱尔兰民族主义和女权主义运动的长期混淆的贡献。早期的工作经常将这些意识形态描绘成相反的，Senia Paseta断言合作是压倒性的常态，认为只有通过20世纪初爱尔兰女性自己理解的概念来评估女性的经验和行动主义，才能理解女性的经历和行动主义。学者们已经开始在微观层面研究鲜为人知的女性，揭示了女性经历中以前被掩盖的方面，比如基于性别的暴力和性暴力。一些研究通过当代的视角来评估女性的激进主义。鉴于历史学家对妇女激进主义的描述在20年来几乎没有变化，因此有必要在宏观和微观层面上进行帕塞塔所模拟的对背景敏感的研究。尽管人们经常强调，像兵役养老金收藏这样的新档案可能会催化这一变化，但对MSPC中的女性进行系统评估尚未出现。该项目以微观历史的方式接近MSPC，询问作为一名共和党女性意味着什么：意识形态-为什么女性参与共和党运动？一个典型的共和党女性的日常经历在多大程度上反映了官方的Cumann na mban的意识形态、结构和功能？激进主义--女性共和党激进主义的性质和程度是什么？妇女是否经常因其在该运动中的工作而成为暴力目标？这起暴力事件有没有针对他们的性别？观念--妇女在革命期间/之后是如何理解她们参与共和运动的概念的？她们是否认为自己的激进主义与女性截然不同？其他人(如共和党人、爱尔兰政府)当时和后来对女性共和主义的看法是什么？这一详尽的分析有助于战时性别角色的学术研究。对于政治暴力的学者来说，这个项目是一个有价值的中观层面的案例研究(例如，在一个更大的恐怖主义、内战或附带损害理论中)，因为关于非正规战争中的妇女的实质性工作很少。研究方法：1)我将进行一系列微观研究，以1910-1925年爱尔兰4个省的城市和农村环境中的共和党女性为中心。初步研究表明，以下是合适的候选城市：都柏林、奥法利和朗福德(莱因斯特)；科克城、基尔布里廷(科克)和沃特福德(明斯特)；戈尔威市和梅奥(康纳赫特)；贝尔法斯特、德里/伦敦德里、德罗莫尔(泰龙)和莫纳汉(阿尔斯特)。为了具有足够的代表性，我们选择了不同的地点，以捕捉不同的经历，例如暴力程度、人口统计、历史学代表性和共和党的活动。在仔细阅读相关MSPC文件的推动下，案例研究将大量借鉴主要具有追溯性的申请人证词和合格证人的支持证据。将通过收集申请者获奖证书、组织成员名册和旅活动报告中的定量数据来支持这种对妇女经验的质量重建。为了使这一理解更加深入，还将咨询其他主要资料来源--军事历史局、回忆录和论文(如Lil Conlon、汉弗莱斯爵士、Maire Comerford、Mary MacSwiney)、报纸和官方出版物(如《爱尔兰公民》)。2)案例分析。将采用责任/风险框架，确定典型女性所承担的责任和因此而面临的风险。对于每个队列，将对女性和男性的证词进行评估，以阐明(按性别划分的)对这一激进主义的看法。3)对样本进行分析，以确定微观现象是否持续存在

Since 1980s greater academic attention has been given to women in the Irish revolutionary period (1910-1925). Limited available sources, pioneers like Margaret Ward mostly produced macro-level studies that illuminated women's long-obfuscated contributions to Ireland's nationalist and feminist movements. Early work often portrayed these ideologies as opposed, Senia Paseta asserts that cooperation was overwhelmingly the norm, arguing that women's experience and activism can only be understood when evaluated through concepts intelligible to early-20th century Irishwomen themselves. Scholars have begun examining lesser-known women at a micro-level, illuminating previously-obscured aspects of women's experience, like gender-based and sexual violence. Some research evaluates women's activism through a contemporary lens. There is need for the type of context-sensitive research modeled by Paseta at the macro and micro level given that historians' descriptions of women's activism have changed little in 20 years. Despite the oft-emphasized potential of newly-available archives like the Military Service Pensions Collection to catalyze this change, a systematic assessment of women in the MSPC is yet to emerge. The project approaches the MSPC microhistorically, asking what it meant to be a republican woman: IDEOLOGY-Why did women get involved in the republican movement? To what extent were official Cumann na mBan ideology, structure, and function reflected in the daily experience of a typical republican woman? ACTIVISM-What was the nature and extent of women's republican activism? Were women frequently the targets of violence due to their work in the movement? Was anything about this violence specific to their sex? PERCEPTION-How did women conceptualize their involvement in the republican movement during/after the revolution? Did they see their activism as distinct to them as women? What were others' (eg republican men, the Irish state) contemporary and subsequent perceptions of women's republicanism? This detailed analysis contributes to scholarship on gender roles in wartime. For scholars of political violence, this project is a valuable meso-level case study (eg within a larger theory of terrorism, civil war, or collateral damage), as there is little substantial work on women in irregular warfare. Methodology: 1) I will conduct a series of micro-studies centered on republican women in urban and rural environments in Ireland's 4 provinces 1910-1925. Preliminary research suggests the following are suitable candidates: Dublin City, Offaly, and Longford (Leinster); Cork City, Kilbrittain (Cork), and Waterford (Munster); Galway City and Mayo (Connacht); and Belfast, Derry/Londonderry, Dromore (Tyrone), and Monaghan (Ulster). To be adequately representative, locations were chosen to capture diversity of experience eg degree of violence, population demographics, historiographical representation, and republican activity. Driven by close readings of relevant MSPC files, case studies will draw heavily from mostly-retrospective applicant testimony and supporting evidence from qualified witnesses. This qualitative reconstruction of women's experience will be bolstered by the collection of quantitative data from applicants' award certificates, organizational membership rolls and brigade activity reports. To contextualize and enrich this understanding, other primary sources - the Bureau of Military History, memoirs and papers (eg Lil Conlon, Sighle Humphreys, Maire Comerford, Mary MacSwiney), newspapers and official publications (eg An tÓglach, Irish Citizen) will be consulted. 2) Case studies will be analyzed. A responsibility/risk framework will be applied, identifying the responsibilities the typical woman had and the risks she was exposed to as a result. For each cohort, women's and men's testimony will be evaluated to illuminate (gendered) perceptions of this activism. 3) the sample will be analyzed to determine if micro-level phenomena persist