A Gendered Revolution: The Ideology, Activism, and Perception of Ireland's Republican Women, 1910-1925

性别革命：1910-1925 年爱尔兰共和女性的意识形态、行动主义和看法

• 批准号: 2778463
• 金额: --
• 依托单位: Queen's University Belfast
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Studentship
• 财政年份: 2022
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2022 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 未结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=studentship-2778463
• 关键词: Gendered; Revolution; Ideology; Activism; Perception

Since 1980s greater academic attention has been given to women in the Irish revolutionary period (1910-1925). Limited available sources, pioneers like Margaret Ward mostly produced macro-level studies that illuminated women's long-obfuscated contributions to Ireland's nationalist and feminist movements. Early work often portrayed these ideologies as opposed, Senia Paseta asserts that cooperation was overwhelmingly the norm, arguing that women's experience and activism can only be understood when evaluated through concepts intelligible to early-20th century Irishwomen themselves. Scholars have begun examining lesser-known women at a micro-level, illuminating previously-obscured aspects of women's experience, like gender-based and sexual violence. Some research evaluates women's activism through a contemporary lens. There is need for the type of context-sensitive research modeled by Paseta at the macro and micro level given that historians' descriptions of women's activism have changed little in 20 years. Despite the oft-emphasized potential of newly-available archives like the Military Service Pensions Collection to catalyze this change, a systematic assessment of women in the MSPC is yet to emerge. The project approaches the MSPC microhistorically, asking what it meant to be a republican woman: IDEOLOGY-Why did women get involved in the republican movement? To what extent were official Cumann na mBan ideology, structure, and function reflected in the daily experience of a typical republican woman? ACTIVISM-What was the nature and extent of women's republican activism? Were women frequently the targets of violence due to their work in the movement? Was anything about this violence specific to their sex? PERCEPTION-How did women conceptualize their involvement in the republican movement during/after the revolution? Did they see their activism as distinct to them as women? What were others' (eg republican men, the Irish state) contemporary and subsequent perceptions of women's republicanism? This detailed analysis contributes to scholarship on gender roles in wartime. For scholars of political violence, this project is a valuable meso-level case study (eg within a larger theory of terrorism, civil war, or collateral damage), as there is little substantial work on women in irregular warfare. Methodology: 1) I will conduct a series of micro-studies centered on republican women in urban and rural environments in Ireland's 4 provinces 1910-1925. Preliminary research suggests the following are suitable candidates: Dublin City, Offaly, and Longford (Leinster); Cork City, Kilbrittain (Cork), and Waterford (Munster); Galway City and Mayo (Connacht); and Belfast, Derry/Londonderry, Dromore (Tyrone), and Monaghan (Ulster). To be adequately representative, locations were chosen to capture diversity of experience eg degree of violence, population demographics, historiographical representation, and republican activity. Driven by close readings of relevant MSPC files, case studies will draw heavily from mostly-retrospective applicant testimony and supporting evidence from qualified witnesses. This qualitative reconstruction of women's experience will be bolstered by the collection of quantitative data from applicants' award certificates, organizational membership rolls and brigade activity reports. To contextualize and enrich this understanding, other primary sources - the Bureau of Military History, memoirs and papers (eg Lil Conlon, Sighle Humphreys, Maire Comerford, Mary MacSwiney), newspapers and official publications (eg An tÓglach, Irish Citizen) will be consulted. 2) Case studies will be analyzed. A responsibility/risk framework will be applied, identifying the responsibilities the typical woman had and the risks she was exposed to as a result. For each cohort, women's and men's testimony will be evaluated to illuminate (gendered) perceptions of this activism. 3) the sample will be analyzed to determine if micro-level phenomena persist

自20世纪80年代以来，学术界对爱尔兰革命时期（1910-1925）的妇女问题给予了更多的关注。由于资料有限，像玛格丽特·沃德（Margaret Ward）这样的先行者主要进行宏观层面的研究，阐明了女性对爱尔兰民族主义和女权主义运动长期以来被混淆的贡献。塞尼亚·帕西塔（Senia Paseta）断言，合作是压倒一切的常态，她认为，只有通过20世纪初爱尔兰女性自己能够理解的概念来评估女性的经历和行动主义，才能理解这些意识形态。学者们开始在微观层面上研究不太为人所知的女性，揭示了女性经历中以前不为人知的方面，比如基于性别的暴力和性暴力。一些研究通过当代视角来评估女性的行动主义。鉴于历史学家对妇女运动的描述在20年里几乎没有变化，我们需要帕西塔在宏观和微观层面建立的那种情境敏感型研究模式。尽管经常强调新获得的档案（如军事服务养老金收集）具有催化这一变化的潜力，但对MSPC中妇女的系统评估尚未出现。该项目接近MSPC微观历史，询问成为共和女性意味着什么：意识形态——为什么女性参与共和运动？一个典型的共和女性的日常经历在多大程度上反映了官方的意识形态、结构和功能？行动主义——妇女共和行动主义的性质和范围是什么？妇女是否因为在运动中工作而经常成为暴力的目标？这些暴力行为跟她们的性别有关吗？妇女是如何理解她们在革命期间/之后参与共和运动的？她们是否认为她们的激进主义与女性一样独特？其他人（例如共和党人，爱尔兰政府）当时和后来对女性共和主义的看法是什么？这种详细的分析有助于研究战时的性别角色。对于研究政治暴力的学者来说，这个项目是一个有价值的中间层面的案例研究（例如在更大的恐怖主义、内战或附带损害理论中），因为关于非正规战争中的妇女的实质性工作很少。方法：1)以1910-1925年爱尔兰四省城乡环境中的共和女性为中心，进行一系列微观研究。初步研究表明，以下是合适的候选城市：都柏林市、奥夫利和朗福德（伦斯特）；科克城，基尔布里顿（科克）和沃特福德（明斯特）；戈尔韦市和梅奥（康纳赫特）；贝尔法斯特、德里/伦敦德里、德罗莫尔（蒂龙）和莫纳汉（阿尔斯特）。为了具有充分的代表性，所选择的地点能够捕捉到经验的多样性，例如暴力程度、人口统计、历史代表性和共和活动。在仔细阅读相关MSPC文件的推动下，案例研究将大量借鉴大多数具有追溯性的申请人证词和合格证人的支持证据。将从申请者的奖状、组织成员名册和大队活动报告中收集数量数据，以加强对妇女经验的定性重建。为了使这一理解背景化和丰富，将参考其他主要资料——军事历史局、回忆录和论文（如Lil Conlon、sigle Humphreys、Maire Comerford、Mary MacSwiney）、报纸和官方出版物（如tÓglach，爱尔兰公民）。2)案例分析。将应用一个责任/风险框架，确定典型妇女的责任以及她因此面临的风险。对于每个队列，将评估女性和男性的证词，以阐明对这一行动主义的（性别）看法。3)对样品进行分析，确定微观层面的现象是否持续存在