Child Soldiers in Context. Biographies, familial and collective trajectories in northern Uganda

为了能够完成重建上帝抵抗军中前儿童兵重返社会进程的工作，以及这些进程与乌干达北方家庭传记和地方历史的相互联系，有必要延长该项目。这项工作将侧重于更透彻地分析我们在前儿童兵日常生活中与其重返社会有关的各种情况方面的经验性调查结果。我们将继续分析我们的数据，包括在计划于2015年底进行的实地考察期间（在当前供资阶段）收集的新数据。我们的研究结果远远超出了我们的预期。我们发现与受访者建立保密关系是可能的，这使我们能够获得非常密集的材料。此外，我们发现了比我们预期的更多样化的重返社会轨迹。有了这些材料，我们就能够根据我们的经验调查结果，对围绕儿童兵进行的政治和规范性辩论作出重大贡献。为了开发这种潜力，我们需要进行更多的分析。在与“返回者”及其亲属的多次访谈中收集到的丰富数据表明，我们需要集中精力对案件进行全面的重建，并对不同的重返社会过程进行对比比较。我们将特别讨论以下问题，目的是实现我们迄今为止所能提出的假设的经验饱和： 与离开家庭（通常在城市环境中）开始新生活相比，前儿童兵返回其原来的社区或家庭会产生何种社会和心理动力成本？有什么证据可以支持这样的假设，即这些社区和亲属团体希望前儿童兵否认他们参与或目睹叛乱分子的暴行，这是（个人和集体）试图接受过去的一个障碍？B） 在哪些互动中，有可能发现前儿童兵中开始形成“我们”感觉和“我们”形象的迹象？这个问题的出现是因为我们观察到，这样一个“我们”形象实际上是不存在的，这会导致无助感和社会孤立感。c）、 在阿乔利兰的近亲未被强行招募的人中，可以观察到返回者的哪些个人和集体形象，以及对他们的行为模式？这在多大程度上符合关于大赦与和解的霸权话语？d）、 非被绑架者关于被绑架者的活动和言论在多大程度上与被绑架者所描述的“返回”后遭受歧视和侮辱的经历相符？

The extension of the project is necessary in order to be able to conclude the work of recon-structing the reintegration processes of former child soldiers in the Lord's Resistance Army, and the interconnectedness of these processes with family biographies and local history in northern Uganda. The work will be focused on a more thorough analysis of our empirical findings in respect of relevant constellations in the everyday life of former child soldiers as these relate to their reintegration. We will continue analysing our data, including new data to be gathered during the field trip planned for the end of 2015 (in the current funding phase). The results of our research have by far exceeded our expectations. We found it was possible to create confidential relationships with the interviewees, which enabled us to obtain very dense material. Moreover, we discovered a much greater variety of reintegration trajectories than we expected. With this material we are in a position to make substantial contributions to the politically and normatively charged debate surrounding child soldiers on the basis of our empirical findings. In order to exploit this potential, we need to make additional analyses. The richness of the data collected in the course of many interviews, often lasting several hours, with "returnees" and their relatives, show that we need to concentrate on comprehensive case reconstructions and a contrastive comparison of very different reintegration processes.We will address in particular the following questions with the aim of achieving empirical saturation of the hypotheses we have been able to formulate so far:a) What social and psychodynamic costs are bound up with the return of former child soldiers to their original communities or families, as compared with beginning a new life away from the family (often in an urban setting)? What evidence is there to support the hypothesis that these communities and kin groups expect former child soldiers to deny that they have participated in or been witnesses of atrocities committed by the rebels, and that this is an obstacle to (individual and collective) attempts to come to terms with the past? b) In which interactions is it possible to detect signs that a we-feeling and a we-image is beginning to develop among former child soldiers? This question arises because we have observed that such a we-image is practically inexistent, which leads to feelings of helplessness and social isolation. c) What individual and collective images of the returnees, and what patterns of conduct towards them, can be observed among people in Acholiland whose close relatives were not recruited by force? To what extent does this correspond to the hegemonial discourse on amnesty and reconciliation? d) To what extent do the activities and discourses of non-abductees in respect of the abductees correspond to what abductees describe as experiences of discrimination and stigmatization following their "return"?