Midwives in the "Biopolitical Laboratory" of the "Reich District Wartheland" - Obstetrics between Privacy and Government Intervention

在2014年6月1日至2016年11月30日的项目期间，德国和波兰助产士将被视为其具体行动方案、行动动机和内在逻辑的参与者。助产士在以女性为主导，同时又高度政治化的生育和生殖活动领域担任专家。高德意志化和生物政治目标是建立一个高效的扩展种族社区，同时打破波兰人口的生物力量，这定义了产科和助产士的工作。德国和波兰的助产士在家庭、私人领域和政府的接入点之间工作。一方面，她们在怀孕，分娩和早期生育等生理剧变时期作为妇女的陪产员，具有相互依赖的功能，另一方面，德国助产士也受到政府命令的投资，拥有权力的工具，对国家社会主义生物政策的实施负有部分责任。根据民族成员和根据国家社会主义种族和生物政策进行的与种族有关的分类，怀孕、分娩和早期生育的条件完全不同。日耳曼化和种族政策的优先顺序以及Warthegau的种族主义社会等级为德意志帝国的助产士提供了一个新的权威和权力地位。他们在各自的职责范围内，独立推动相关政策的实施。然而，主要是波兰助产士承担了产科护理的主要份额，包括在德国人口中，他们经常与他们的德国族裔客户保持着不间断的信任关系。助产士和她的客户之间的信任能够创造一个使能空间，在这个空间中，至少在某些时候，各自参与者的需求和想法被优先考虑，甚至堕胎都是可能的，禁止互动以及德国化和生物政治目标转移到背景中。在继续申请资金的过程中，重点将放在波兰犹太助产士作为演员、她们的行动机会、她们与客户以及她们的非犹太环境的互动上。波兰犹太助产士被禁止协助非犹太妇女生育子女。与非犹太环境互动的机会随着社会对犹太人口的日益排斥和种族隔离而受到限制。关注波兰犹太助产士可以为Saul Friedländer所称的出生和繁殖领域的大屠杀综合史学做出贡献，并将德国，波兰和犹太助产士高度分歧和日益对立的互动，经验和观点汇集在一起。

During the duration of the project from June 1, 2014, to November 30, 2016, German and Polish midwives will be taken into account as actors in each of their specific courses of action, motivations for action, and inherent logic. Midwives worked as experts in the female-dominated and simultaneously highly politically charged sphere of activity of birth and reproduction in the Reichsgau Wartheland. The superordinate germanization and biopolitical goal of creating an efficient extended ethnic community and at the same time breaking the biological power of the Polish population defined obstetrics and the work of midwives. German and Polish midwives worked at the interface between the domestic, private sphere and governmental access. On the one hand, they had an interdependent function as attendants for women in the periods of biological upheaval of pregnancy, birth, and early parenthood, and on the other, invested with government orders, German midwives with instruments of power as well, were partially responsible for the implementation of National Socialist biopolicy. Depending on ones ethnic membership and race-related classification in accordance with the National Socialist race and biopolicy, pregnancy, birth, and early parenthood were subject to completely different conditions. The prioritization of germanization and race policy as well as the racist social hierarchy in the Warthegau provided midwives in the German Reich with a new position of authority and power. In their area of competence, they independently promoted the relevant implementation of the policy. However, it was primarily Polish midwives who assumed the major share of obstetrical care, including among the German population, and they frequently had an unbroken relationship of trust with their ethnic German clientele. Trust between a midwife and her clientele was capable of creating an enablement space in which, at least at times, the needs and ideas of the respective actors were given priority, where even abortions were possible and bans on interaction as well as germanization and biopolitical goals shifted into the background. In the continuance of the funding being applied for here, focus will be placed on Polish-Jewish midwives as actors, their opportunities for action, and their interaction with their clientele as well as their non-Jewish environment. Polish-Jewish midwives were excluded from assisting at the birth of children by non-Jewish women. The opportunities for interaction with the non-Jewish environment were constricted with the increasing social exclusion and ghettoization of the Jewish population. Focusing on Polish-Jewish midwives enables contributing to what Saul Friedländer calls an integrated historiography of the Holocaust for the area of birth and reproduction and bringing together the highly divergent and increasingly antagonistic interactions, experiences, and perspectives of German, Polish, and Jewish midwives in the Warthegau region.