A Histrical Linguistic Study of the Hittite Law Texts

Old Hittite original manuscripts attest at least four 3 sg. present mi-verb forms in which theending -zi follows the vocalic stem in e or i. the intervocalic single -z- therein in taken as被lenited affricate.这是有证据的，那些examples are所有characterized by thepreform *-di (，-ti) produced by proto-Anatolian lenition rules. This evident speaks for assibilation of *d before*i in Hittite. assibilation of *d before *i D5^ i D5 is also observed in the prehistory of Hittitesi D4^ e d4iuc -"god" and si D4^ e D4iu D5^ e d5at -（Old Hittite）D4^ D5^ D5^ D5iu ^ D5^ d5at -)"day", which probably underwent the following changes，respectively:*dzi D5^ e D5eu->*dzi D5^ e D5u D4- D4-> * ai D5^ e D5u D4-> *si D5^ e D5u D4- D4->s - D4^ d4iuc - /syu - D4/and *di - D5^ D5eu - D5^ D5-ot-m - D5。D5/*di D5^ D5u-t-es→。*di D5^ D5eu D5^ D5-ot-m D5。D5/di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ D5-ot-es >*di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ di D5^ D5ot,-,amongwhich Hittite gen…More eralized the weak stem and hence*dzi D5^ D5iu D5^ D5at->*zi D5^ D5iu D5^ D5at->*si D5^ D5iu D5^ D5at-> s D4^ D4i D5^D5iu D5at -/syiwat/.Assibilation of * D before *i is also observed in the prehistory of thereflexive particle At the stage of Proto-Anatolian there two variants of flexive particle，*-ti和*-dithe latter of which was created by Proto-Anatolian lenition rules. Both *-ti and *-di still existedin Hittite internal prehistory and the Old Hittite ma-a-ni-za (with single -z-) and nu-uz-za （with Old Hittite）double -zz- faithfully reflect the phonological outcomes of assibilation （followed by later）apocope) applied to *-ti and *-di，respectively. It is arguable that the particle *-ti(with a lenited dental) attached to theHittite preterite middle ending is historically related with the flexive particle. the flexive* ti which escaped being assibilated after *s was later transferred to the preterite middle endingsat a pre-Hittite stage to disambiguate them from the corresponding present middle endings. .Subsequently to this transfer the second lenition rule which was still alive at a pre-Hittite stagechanged *-ti into *-di. Less

Old Hittite original manuscripts attest at least four 3 sg. present mi-verb forms in which the ending -zi follows the vocalic stem in e or i. The intervocalic single -z- therein in taken as representing a lenited affricate. It is remarkable that these examples are all characterized by the preform *-di (, *-ti) produced by proto-Anatolian lenition rules. This evident speaks for assibilation of *d before *i in Hittite.Assibilation of *d before *iィイD5^ィエD5 is also observed in the prehistory of Hittite sィイD4^ィエD4iu-"god" and sィイD4^ィエD4iuィイD5^ィエD5att-(Old Hittite sィイD4^ィエD4iィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att-)"day", which probably underwent the following changes, respectively : *diィイD5^ィエD5eu->*dziィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> * aiィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> *siィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> sィイD4^ィエD4iu- /syuィイD4-ィエD4/and *diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-mィイD5。ィエD5/*diィイD5^ィエD5u-t-es→.*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-mィイD5。ィエD5/diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-es >*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5od-/*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5ot,-,among which Hittite gen … More eralized the weak stem and hence *dziィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5at->*ziィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5at->*siィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att->sィイD4^ィエD4iィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att-/syiwat/.Assibilation of *d before *i is also observed in the prehistory of the reflexive particle. At the stage of Proto-Anatolian there were two variants of reflexive particle, *-ti and *-di, the latter of which was created by Proto-Anatolian lenition rules. Both *-ti and *-di still existed in Hittite internal prehistory and the Old Hittite ma-a-ni-za (with single -z-) and nu-uz-za (with double -zz-) faithfully reflect the phonological outcomes of assibilation (followed by later apocope) applied to *-ti and *-di, respectively. It is also arguable that the particle *-ti(with a lenited dental) attached to the Hittite preterite middle ending is historically related with the reflexive particle. The reflexive *-ti which escaped being assibilated after *s was later transferred to the preterite middle endings at a pre-Hittite stage to disambiguate them from the corresponding present middle endings. Subsequently to this transfer the second lenition rule which was still alive at a pre-Hittite stage changed *-ti into *-di. Less