Intellectualism in U.S. Diplomacy

历史学家和记者，如理查德·霍夫施塔特和苏珊·赫卡比，都谴责美国社会、文化和政治中的“反智主义”现实。然而，从阿尔弗雷德·塞耶·马汉到保罗·沃尔福威茨，知识分子在塑造美国外交方面发挥了至关重要但未得到充分重视的作用。这本名为《世界制造者：美国外交中的知识分子主义》的专著探讨了美国政府为何如此乐于接受学术界、智库和自由知识分子的意见的各种原因，并考察了八位撰写了有影响力的地缘政治学说的知识分子的职业生涯：阿尔弗雷德·马汉、伍德罗·威尔逊、查尔斯·比尔德、沃尔特·李普曼、乔治凯南、保罗·尼采、亨利基辛格和保罗·沃尔福威茨。本书的导言首先讨论了“知识分子”的不同定义方式，并提出了识别外交政策知识分子的标准。第二章考察了从1890年至今，知识分子（广义上的知识分子）影响美国外交的历史环境;专注于美国大学在整个十九世纪的扩散，开创性的尝试，利用学院，如罗伯特拉福莱特的"威斯康星州的想法，"美国高等教育的专业化受到德国的研究型大学的成就的启发，以及学术界、智库和政府之间在进步时代、两次世界大战、冷战及以后建立的牢固联系。第三，将美国欢迎知识分子参与政策制定的经验与英国、法国、俄罗斯和中国的经验进行了比较--这四个国家在近代史上表现出了与美国相当的全球雄心。这本书的核心部分由八章组成，分别论述了上面提到的个人。这些章节并不是独立的传记研究，而是为了探讨历代知识分子在某种程度上对前辈思想的反应。伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）的道德主义国际主义在一定程度上被认为是对阿尔弗雷德·马汉（Alfred Mahan）对国家利益的冷静计算的回应。查尔斯·比尔德的孤立主义抨击威尔逊的国际联盟天真的绝望，并认为美国穷人的困境被东北沿海地区的精英亲英派所忽视。务实的沃尔特·李普曼反对威尔逊对国际事务的盲目乐观，反对比尔德的狭隘和缺乏远见。后来，保罗·沃尔福威茨（Paul Wolfowitz）等新保守主义者嘲笑亨利·基辛格不道德的现实主义和对美国传统价值观缺乏亲和力。本书的这些章节基于美国最新的档案研究，包括普林斯顿西利-穆德图书馆最近公布的乔治·凯南日记中的一些精彩材料，旨在评估这些知识分子的影响力。但更广泛的目的是就三大外交政策原则--现实主义、孤立主义和自由国际主义的变体--展开一场大辩论，这三大原则一直在美国政府的最高层争夺主导地位。本书的倒数第二章考察了奥巴马政府目前雇用的知识分子--安妮-玛丽·斯劳特、萨曼莎·鲍尔、詹姆斯·斯坦伯格和苏珊·E.赖斯，仅举四个例子--最后讨论了对美国外交政策制定做出最有益贡献的知识分子类型--政治学家或政治历史学家;通才或专家;以赛亚柏林所称的狐狸或刺猬。这本书的核心目的是确定知识属性，联合收割机最有效地结合在美国外交政策的制定。它警告说，外交政策的制定需要一种认知上的灵活性，而这种灵活性往往是学者们用理论来证明的。

Historians and journalists such as Richard Hofstadter and Susan Jacoby have decried the reality of 'anti-intellectualism' in American society, culture, and politics. Yet intellectuals have played a vital and underappreciated role in shaping US diplomacy - from Alfred Thayer Mahan to Paul Wolfowitz. This monograph, titled World Makers: Intellectualism in American Diplomacy, explores the varied reasons why US government has proved so amenable to input from academia, think-tanks, and freelance intellectuals and examines the careers of eight intellectuals who authored influential geopolitical doctrines: Alfred Mahan, Woodrow Wilson, Charles Beard, Walter Lippmann, George Kennan, Paul Nitze, Henry Kissinger and Paul Wolfowitz. The introduction to the book first discusses the varying ways in which the 'intellectual' has been defined, and proposes criteria that allow us to identify a foreign policy intellectual. It secondly examines the historical circumstances that have allowed intellectuals - broadly conceived - to influence US diplomacy from 1890 to the present; focusing on the proliferation of US colleges through the nineteenth century, pioneering attempts to utilise the academy such as Robert La Follette's 'Wisconsin Idea,' the professionalization of US higher education inspired by the achievements of Germany's research universities, and the strong links forged between academia, think-tanks and government through the progressive era, two world wars, and into the Cold War and beyond. It thirdly compares the US experience of welcoming intellectuals into policymaking with that of the United Kingdom, France, Russia and China - the four nations that have displayed a global ambition comparable to the United States in recent history. The core of the book constitutes eight chapters on the individuals named above. These chapters are not discrete biographical studies, but are designed to probe the way in which successive generations of intellectuals reacted, to some degree, to the ideas presented by their predecessors. Woodrow Wilson's moralistic internationalism was conceived partly as a response to Alfred Mahan's hard-headed calculation of national interest. Charles Beard's isolationism railed against the naïve hopelessness of Wilson's League of Nations and argued that the plight of poor Americans was being ignored by the elitist Anglophiles of the north-eastern seaboard. The pragmatic Walter Lippmann reacted against Wilson's Panglossian vision for international affairs and Beard's insularity and lack of foresight. In later years, neoconservatives such as Paul Wolfowitz pilloried Henry Kissinger for his amoral realism and his lack of affinity for traditional American values. These chapters, based on fresh archival research in the United States - including some wonderful material from George Kennan's recently released diaries at the Seeley-Mudd library in Princeton - are designed to gauge the influence exerted by these intellectuals. But the wider purpose is to set out a grand debate on the three foreign policy doctrines - realism, isolationism, and variants on liberal internationalism - that have vied for dominance at the apex of US government. The book's penultimate chapter examines the influence exerted by the intellectuals currently employed by the Obama administration - Anne-Marie Slaughter, Samantha Power, James Steinberg, and Susan E. Rice, to name but four - and concludes with a discussion of the intellectual types - the political scientist of political historian; the generalist or specialist; the fox or the hedgehog, as Isaiah Berlin would have it - that have contributed most usefully to US foreign policy-making. The book's core purpose is to identify the intellectual attributes that combine most efficaciously in the making of US foreign policy. It cautions that the making of foreign policy requires a cognitive flexibility that too often eludes academics with theories to prove.