Community Experience of Conflict in Haiti: Assessing the Emotional Legacy of Civilian Deaths as a result of Intense Use of Force by UN Peacekeepers

Wills(过渡时期司法研究所)和McLaughlin(昆士兰大学创意艺术学院)将在这个跨学科项目上合作，该项目将结合社会法律研究和参与性实践，以便通过对联合国海地稳定特派团(联海稳定团)的案例研究，分析如何理解和适用管理联合国维和人员使用武力的法律；并探讨维和人员使用致命武力对当地社区的影响。麦克劳克林是一位纪录片制片人和电影研究教授。威尔斯是一名法学教授。该项目将侧重于联海稳定团使用武力；但这种做法稍后可适用于在国际人道主义法(国际人道主义法，在贝洛也称为国际人道主义法或武装冲突法)不适用的情况下开展行动的其他特派团。对使用致命武力的有效性的分析通常是从负责维持法律和秩序的当局的角度或从当地和国际精英的角度进行的；但除非也提出生活在使用武力的社区的人民的观点，否则分析将被扭曲，因此不能作为稳定的预测指标。该项目将使用参与性纪录片做法(确保参与者是项目的共同所有者，并控制他们出现的材料的使用)，作为一种手段，使那些通常被影响到他们的国际决策进程边缘化的人，在起草联合国特派团参与规则和政策准则时，他们的声音可以得到倾听和考虑。这部电影将使政策制定者能够考虑对生活在联合国开展行动的社区中的人们使用致命武力的身体、情感和心理(因此也是政治)影响。对“自上而下”方法控制政治暴力局限性的社会法律研究表明，政策制定者在为挑战掌权当局合法性的“自下而上”政治运动提供支持时，往往没有考虑到压制力量的影响。引发暴力动员的两个主要引爆点是杀害抗议者和囚犯死亡。根据特定任务的第七章交战规则，如果较小的手段无效，联海稳定团有权使用致命武力，以防止或制止内乱行为，内乱行为的定义是“实施、实施或煽动影响公共和平与秩序的暴力行为”。根据国际人权法和国际人道主义法，对平民使用致命武力的权利非常有限，除非存在无法通过其他方式防止的生命威胁。2004-2007年间，在对索莱尔市的全副武装突袭中，数十人被联合国杀害(最初否认，但后来承认)。联海稳定团被认为减少了帮派暴力，联合国内部的大多数评论员认为，突袭行动在改善安全方面是有效的：但在其首次部署11年后，该特派团仍然非常不受欢迎。其中一个原因是，包括儿童在内的许多未参与犯罪活动的人在联合国的突袭行动中丧生；以及联海稳定团对他们的死亡作出的反应。由于问题社区的居民很少撰写期刊文章或撰写自己的报告(海地15岁以上人口的50%是文盲)，他们的声音通常是通过他们的政治领导人调解的；这些领导人也可能代表其他利益。参与式电影制作做法使受暴力影响最直接的人能够讲述自己的故事，从而开辟了受影响社区与负责决定使用武力的政策制定者(其中许多人来自海地以外)之间的直接沟通渠道。

Wills (Transitional Justice Institute, UU) and McLaughlin (School of Creative Arts, QUB) will collaborate on this inter-disciplinary project, which which will combine socio-legal research and participatory practice, in order analyse how the law governing UN peacekeepers' use of force is understood and applied in practice, through a case study of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH); and to explore the impact on local communities of the use of deadly force by peacekeepers. McLaughlin is a documentary filmmaker and professor of film studies. Wills is a professor of law. This project will focus on the use of intense force by MINUSTAH; but the approach could later be applied to other missions operating in situations in which international humanitarian law (IHL, also referred to as ius in bello or law of armed conflict) is inapplicable. Analysis of the effectiveness of the resort to use of deadly force is generally presented from the point of view of the authorities responsible for maintaining law and order, or from the viewpoint of local and international elites; but unless the viewpoints of the people living in the communities where force is used, are also presented, the analysis will be distorted and hence unreliable as a predictor of stability. The project will use participatory documentary film practices (which ensure that participants are co-owners of the project and have control over the use of material in which they appear) as a means by which people that are normally marginalised from international decision-making processes that affect them, may have their voices heard and taken into account in the drafting of UN mission rules of engagement and policy guidelines. The film will enable policy makers to consider the physical, emotional and psychological (and hence political) effects of the use of deadly force on the people living in the communities in which the UN carries out its operations. Social-legal research on the limitations of a 'top-down approach' to controlling political violence suggests that policy makers often fail to take into account the effects of repressive force in creating support for 'bottom up' political movements that challenge the legitimacy of the authorities in charge. Two of the major tipping points that trigger violent mobilisation are killings of protestors and prisoner deaths. Under mission specific 'Chapter VII' rules of engagement MINUSTAH is authorised to use 'deadly force,' if lesser means are ineffective, to 'prevent or put a stop to acts of civil unrest,' defined as the 'commission, perpetration or instigation of acts of violence which affect public peace and order.' Under both international human rights law and IHL the right to use deadly force against civilians is very limited, except where there is a threat to life that cannot be prevented in another way. Between 2004-2007 scores of people were killed by the UN (initially denied but later admitted) during heavily armed raids into Cité Soleil. MINUSTAH is credited with reducing gang violence and most commentators from within the UN view the raids has having been effective in improving security: but 11 years after it was first deployed the mission remains deeply unpopular. One reason for this (among several) is the number of people not involved in criminal activity, including children, that were killed in UN raids; and MINUSTAH's response to their deaths. Since the residents of troubled communities rarely write journal articles or produce their own reports (50% of Haiti's population over the age of 15 is illiterate) their voices are usually mediated through those of their political leaders; who may also represent other interests. Participatory film-making practices allow those most directly affected by violence to tell their own stories and thus opens up direct channels of communication between the affected communities and the policy makers (many of them from outside Haiti) responsible for making decisions on the use of force