Security Sector Reform and the Disfiguration of Local Security Landscapes: The Case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories

欧洲的创意--安全部门改革及其对复员、非军事化、重新融入、恢复和重组的安全方案的衍生包装--说明了发展中的援助证券化现象。其理由是激励捐助者超越单纯的安全部队能力建设，朝着民主治理和法治的根深蒂固的原则迈进。然而，它的运营成功是有限的。为提高其业务能力而进行的分析主要侧重于概念和执行之间的差异。然而，尽管当前关于SSR的讨论承认其政治层面，但它忽视了其相互构成和关系权力的含义。因此，该项目旨在更全面地了解安全部门改革分析员和从业人员对其所述政策目标与通过其执行所取得的有缺陷的结果之间的差异所关注的问题。它通过重新调整政治和批判性学术参与领域内的分析方向，而不是政策导向的技术官僚重点，做到了这一点。分析框架的这种转变设想了SSR不仅仅是一种制定和实施具体政策的政治工具，或者是一种为通过这些政策辩护的修辞工具。SSR没有造成集中化的垄断和暴力等级制度，相反，它创造了暴力寡头，这往往加剧了社会分裂，创造了依赖外部行为者的新精英。当安全部门改革干预的对象参与并寻求适当的证券化发展援助时，就会发生这种情况。然后，新的证券化配置就会出现。证券化的这种分裂创造了许多地方、地区和国际集团和参与者。随着这些行为者的出现，他们的身份、代理模式和权力取决于他们在相互关联的互动链中的位置，这一链显著塑造了每个对话者的利益和代理。因此，该项目侧重于安全部门改革如何成为空间政治(重建)过程中的一个关键方案进程，创建行为者、结构和进程。在适用安全部门改革的社会经济、政治和地理环境的不同领域，其捐助者将这些进程内在化并对其作出反应的各种方式，所产生的结果与该范例所述的目标背道而驰。随着安全部门改革项目在中东和北非地区继续扩大，这种国际援助模式在冲突和冲突后环境中的影响变得更加紧迫--到目前为止，在这些地区，安全部门改革的后果只是加剧了不稳定和分裂。拟议的研究首先扩大对巴勒斯坦被占领土(OPT)的情况，这提供了一个适当的案例研究，因为那里的国家建设项目已经成为SSR的同义词，在那里，实施自由统治的前提是安全部门的改革。巴勒斯坦被占领土上的安全部门改革未能实现稳定，反而加剧了巴勒斯坦政治的进一步两极分化，使巴勒斯坦自治政府分裂为两个独立的政治实体，其中一个实体被剥夺了国际承认。安全部门改革在当地制造了一个悖论，即巴勒斯坦权力机构和在一定程度上事实上的哈马斯政府控制着一个领土，而不是一个类似于韦伯利亚意义上的国家的领土实体。然后，研究转向分析在也门和约旦开展的类似进程，并建立先进的数据和网络分析模型，以协助学者和从业人员规划和了解安全部门改革项目的动态，并帮助其取得成功。

A European brainchild, Security Sector Reform (SSR) and its derivative packaging of demobilized, demilitarized, reintegrated, rehabilitated and restructured security programming, illustrates the phenomenon of aid securitization in development. Its rationale is to motivate donors to go beyond mere capacity building of security forces and move towards entrenching principles of democratic governance and the rule of law. However, its operational success has been limited. Analysis seeking to improve its operational capability has largely focused on the discrepancy between concept and implementation. Yet while the current discourse on SSR acknowledges its political dimension, it has ignored its mutually constitutive and relational power implications. This project therefore, aims to offer a more comprehensive understanding of the preoccupation of SSR analysts and practitioners pertaining to the discrepancy between its stated policy objectives and the flawed outcomes actualized through its implementation. It does this by reorienting analysis within the realm of politics and critical scholarly engagement and away from its policy-oriented technocratic focus. This shift in the framework of analysis conceives of SSR as something more than just a mere political instrument to shape and implement specific policies or a rhetorical tool to justify their adoption. Instead of creating a centralized monopoly and hierarchy of violence, SSR instead creates oligopolies of violence that have often intensified societal fragmentation and the creation of new elites dependent upon outside actors. This occurs when objects of SSR interventions engage and seek to appropriate securitized development aid. New securitization configurations then emerge. This fracturing of securitization creates numerous local, regional and international groups and actors. As these actors emerge, their identification, modes of agency and power depend upon their positionality within an interconnected chain of interaction that significantly shapes the interests and agency of each of its interlocutors. This project, therefore, focuses on the ways in which SSR becomes a pivotal programmatic process in the political (re)construction of space, creating actors, structures and processes. The myriad ways in which its benefactors internalize and respond to these processes within the different spheres of socio-economic, political and geographical locales in which SSR is applied, produces the outcomes that run contrary to the paradigm's stated objectives. The implications of such modes of international assistance in conflict and post-conflict settings has become all the more pressing as SSR projects continue to expand across the Middle East and North Africa,- and where the consequences of SSR are so far only proving to worsen instability and fragmentation.The proposed research begins with expanding on the case of the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), which provides for an apt case study as the state-building project there has become synonymous with SSR and where the implementation of liberal rule is predicated on the reform of the security sector. SSR in the oPt has failed to achieve stability, instead catalyzing the further polarization of Palestinian politics and the division of the oPt into two separate political entities, one of which has been denied international recognition. SSR has created a paradox on the ground, whereby the Palestinian Authority and to a certain extent the de facto government of Hamas are in control of a territory, but not a territorial entity resembling a state in the Weberian sense. The research then moves to analysing similar unfolding processes in Yemen and Jordan, and establishes advanced data and network analysis models that will assist academics and practitioners in mapping out and understanding the dynamics of SSR projects and aiding their success.