Between Takes and Edits: media-activism against the terror politics in Brazil

借鉴我的研究，涵盖了维拉Autódromo的斗争，在里约热内卢的一个小贫民窟在20世纪90年代面临拆除的威胁，我的目标是扩大我的调查如何新媒体技术可以改变和重塑当代的政治参与。视频和摄影的媒介以及互联网塑造了Vila Autódromo的抵抗政治和我们的合作方法，不仅为在线反对驱逐的抗议活动制作了有影响力的视听材料，也为我们在公共民事诉讼中的辩护材料制作了视听材料。主流媒体长期以来一直被用作边缘化和歧视的武器，通过电影和电视中的刻板印象来描绘黑人和低收入人群，但Vila Autódromo的人们能够利用它来增强自己的力量，推翻这些形象和叙述。Vila Autódromo的故事与巴西和世界各地许多其他社区的故事相呼应，他们反对种族，种族和社会清洗，甚至是文化和肉体上的种族灭绝那些希望驱逐/拆除的人和那些反对驱逐/拆除的人的政治分歧和对立的道德立场，以及不断变化的战线，不仅会与世界上其他经历类似斗争的地方产生共鸣，而且还会与其他城市反对资本主义扩张的斗争产生共鸣。通过对里约城市驱逐事件的分析，这座城市行动的普遍性反映了威权主义的其他微妙形式，这些形式在当今时代似乎呈指数级上升。我的目标是通过探索在不同的社会和政治环境下，作为全球城市驱逐现象的一部分，武力驱逐和征用是如何在世界范围内发生的，来扩大关注范围在新自由主义资本主义扩张的推动下，所谓的全球南方国家受到的影响要严重得多，因为社会上许多地方每天都在努力把面包放在桌子上，并在头顶上保持一个屋顶。就巴西而言，民主总是有选择地对不同的人口产生影响。自20世纪80年代中期国家重新民主化以来，种族主义杀戮的数量，即所谓的“针对城市黑人的种族灭绝”，沿着增加了针对为生存和保护土地而挣扎的农村，土著和前逃亡黑奴的谋杀数量。此外，获得公共卫生、安全、教育、文化、城市流动和就业的机会有限，这表明巴西不同社会阶层之间存在着严重的不平等。2014年开始的经济危机和最近巴西政治的激进化相结合，只会加剧巴西民主项目，最脆弱的社会阶层出现了最严重的崩溃迹象。然而，对于巴西社区的黑人和贫困人口来说，城市为生存而斗争，改善生活条件，一直是他们叙事的一部分。在建立网络并将我的研究成果广泛公开的同时，我打算扩大我的论文中发起的跨学科辩论，关于社会科学家如何有效地与他们在实地考察期间和之后参与的社区合作，特别是在侵犯人权和国家滥用的背景下。

Drawing on my research covering the struggles of Vila Autódromo, a small favela in Rio de Janeirothreatened with removal in the 1990s, I aim to expand my investigation into how new mediatechnologies can change and reshape political participation in contemporary times. The mediums ofvideo and photography and also the Internet shaped Vila Autódromo's politics of resistance and ourcollaboration methods to produce impactful audiovisual materials not only for the online campaignsagainst eviction, but also for our defence material in the public civil suits. The mainstream media haslong been used as a weapon of marginalisation and discrimination, depicting black and low-incomepopulations through stereotyping in films and television, but the people of Vila Autódromo were able touse it to their advantage to empower themselves and overturn such images and narratives.The story of Vila Autódromo echoes that of many other communities in Brazil and worldwide who havefought against ethnic, racial and social cleansing, and even cultural and physical genocide. The politicalrifts and opposing moral positions of those who wanted the evictions/demolitions and those who werefighting them, with the constantly shifting battle lines, will resonate not only with other places goingthrough similar struggles worldwide, but also other urban struggles against capitalist expansion. Thepervasiveness of the city's actions - analysed through the urban expulsions in Rio - mirrors other subtleforms of authoritarianism, which seem to be rising exponentially in the current times.In my future publications and research activities, my aim is to widen the focus by exploring how forcedevictions and expropriations have been taking place worldwide under different social and politicalcircumstances as part of a global phenomenon of urban expulsion driven by neo-liberal capitalistexpansion.The impact on the countries of the so-called Global South is far more severe given the daily struggle ofmany parts of society to put bread on their tables and keep a roof over their heads. In the case of Brazil,democracy has always worked selectively upon different populations. Since the redemocratisation of thecountry in the mid-1980s, the number of racialised killings, the so-called 'genocide against urban blackpopulations', has increased, along with the number of homicides targeting rural, indigenous and quilombolacommunities struggling for survival and the preservation of their lands. Furthermore, the limited access topublic health, security, education, culture, urban mobility and employment demonstrates the grossinequality among the different social classes in Brazil. The combination of the economic crisis that startedin 2014 and the recent radicalisation of Brazilian politics has only served to aggravate the project ofBrazilian democracy, with its worst signs of breakdown among the most vulnerable sectors of society.However, for the black and poor populations of Brazilian communities, the urban struggles for life andimprovement of their life conditions have always been part of their narrative.While networking and making my research findings widely public, I intend to expand the interdisciplinarydebate initiated in my thesis about how social scientists can effectively collaborate with the communitiesthey engage with during and after fieldwork, especially in the context of human rights violations and stateabuse.