'Politics, Religion and Memory in the formation of Post-Conflict Guatemalan Personhood'

这项研究项目将集中在一个边境地区，从危地马拉圣马科斯省的Tecun Uman，一个位于危地马拉和墨西哥边境的小镇，一直延伸到墨西哥恰帕斯的一个更大的城镇Tapachula。我的提议涉及人类学辩论的四个主要领域：公民身份的构建、基督教的人类学、边界和土著少数民族。长期以来，边界一直被认为是中美洲移民进入美国的通道的一部分(Green，2009)，非正式工人的大量流动和贸易都是通过它进行的(Sectretaria de Gobernacion，2005：29)。其他理论家已经注意到它是如何将拥有共同的“土著玛雅遗产”的人分开的(考弗，1997：169)。它经常与结构性暴力的过程毫无问题地联系在一起(Farmer，2003)，即在墨西哥和美国边境“剥夺移民的家庭和社区、对地方和亲属的集体依恋以及扩展的网络”(Green，2009：334)。然而，其他理论家指出，边界允许工人从危地马拉周期性地迁移到恰帕斯，作为许多土著玛雅人生活世界的组成部分(Wesiner&Cruz，2003；Ayala-Carillo，2012；Durni，2008)。目前的研究显示，危地马拉-墨西哥边境正变得政治化，成为美国和墨西哥移民政策趋同的中心，该政策旨在通过日益军事化的边境区建立“完全控制”(涅托总统，2014)，原因是移民性质的变化：墨西哥和美国都是移民目的地(斯托克顿，2014；莫里森，2014；杜尔尼，2008)。两国都在提议用技术和美国国民警卫队的可能性来改变边境行动(简，2012；斯托克顿，2014)。我的目标是挑战(绿色2009)的工作，将边界视为独特的“政治建设”的一部分，而不是简单地用来促进“新自由主义移民政策”[国家支持的暴力、地方性种族主义、移民人口隔离](Wallis，2006)。在微观层面上，我认为，鉴于边界在当地对危地马拉内战的记忆中的重要性，探讨边界变化对生活在恰帕斯和圣马科斯的人的影响至关重要，这符合更广泛的研究目标，即审查基督教、共同的玛雅土著身份和公民身份形式在这两个地方在引导边界日益军事化和新自由化以及国家在其上的做法方面所起的作用。在考察公民身份时，我将着眼于主权项目是如何在边缘构建的，探索它们的渐进式、嵌套式和多面性(Humphrey，Ong，2000；Tsing，1993；Seider，2011)，特别是在边界性质不断变化的背景下。此外，通过研究主体如何调解不同的主权制度，以及这种调解做法如何弥漫着对暴力的记忆，我的目的是为主权研究提供一个重要的以人为中心的民族志层面，探索它们的多重性格是如何生活的。与我对公民身份的审视相联系的是，我渴望参与到探索冲突后背景下公民身份和基督教的丰富辩论中(O‘Neill，2009)。我想仔细研究一下，奥尼尔基于新五旬节派的基督教公民身份概念，能否解释基督教在危地马拉外围地区扮演的角色，在这个地区，现代圣徒基督教运动比比皆是，不仅与对暴力的记忆有关，还与逃离暴力有关。有必要探讨边界上基督教习俗和信仰的性质和多样性，并从理论上将其纳入在那里进行的主权项目的渐进性和多面性。通过这一点，我希望参与目前关于基督教在产生各种形式的公民身份中的作用的辩论。超过字数限制

This research project will focus on a borderland area stretching from Tecun Uman in the San Marcos department, Guatemala, a town which sits on Guatemala- Mexico border, to the larger town of Tapachula in Chiapas, Mexico. My proposal speaks to four main areas of anthropological debate: constructions of citizenship, the anthropology of Christianity, borders, and indigenous minorities. The border has long been recognised as part of a passage used by Central American migrants to move through to America (Green, 2009) and much movement of informal workers and trade takes place across it (Sectretaria de Gobernacion, 2005: 29). Other theorists have noted how it divides people with a shared 'indigenous Mayan heritage' (Kauffer, 1997:169). It has often been unproblematically linked with the processes of structural violence (Farmer, 2003) that 'dispossess migrants of family and community, of collective attachments to place and to kin and extended networks' on the Mexican-US border (Green, 2009: 334). However, other theorists have noted the border allows cyclical migration of workers into Chiapas from Guatemala, as an integral part of the life-world of many indigenous Mayans (Wesiner & Cruz, 2003; Ayala-Carillo, 2012; Durni, 2008). Current research reveals the Guatemalan-Mexican border is becoming politicized as the locus of a convergence of American and Mexican immigration policy that aims to establish 'complete control' (President Nieto, 2014) through an increasingly militarized border zone due to the changing nature of migration: Mexico as well as the US is a migrant destination (Stockton, 2014; Morrison, 2014; Durni, 2008). Both countries are proposing changes to border operations with technology and the possibility of the US National Guard (Jane, 2012; Stockton, 2014). I aim to challenge the work of (Green 2009) by viewing the border as part of a unique 'political construction' that is not simply used to facilitate 'neoliberal immigration policies' [state sponsored violence, endemic racism, segregation of migrant population] (Wallis, 2006). On the micro-level I believe it is central to explore the effects border changes are having on those living in Chiapas and San Marcos given the significance of the border in local memories of the Guatemalan civil war, fitting this into a wider research aim of examining the roles Christianity, shared Mayan indigenous identity and forms of citizenship have in both localities in navigating the increased militarization and neo-liberalization of the border and state practices upon it. In examining citizenship, I will look at how sovereignty projects are constructed on the periphery, exploring their graduated, nested and multiple characters (Humphrey, Ong , 2000; Tsing, 1993; Seider, 2011), especially in the context of the changing nature of the border. Further, by looking at how subjects mediate different regimes of sovereignty, and how such mediation practices are suffused with memories of violence, I aim to provide an important person-centred ethnographic dimension to studies of sovereignty, exploring how their multiple characters are lived. Tied in to my examination of citizenship is a desire to engage in the fertile debate exploring citizenship and Christianity in post-conflict settings (O'Neill, 2009). I want to scrutinize whether O'Neill's concept of 'Christian citizenship' based on Neo-Pentecostalism, can account for the role Christianity plays on the periphery of Guatemala, in a region permeated with Latter Day Saints Christian movement and associated with memories not just of violence but also flight from it. There is a need to explore the nature and multiplicity of Christian practices and beliefs on the border and to theoretically integrate them into the graduated and multiple natures of sovereignty projects taking place there. Through this I hope to engage in the current debate of the role of Christianity in producing forms of citizenship. EXCEEDED WORD LIMIT