Refugee Housing, Activism and Movement Parties in Athens and Rome

该项目的目的是调查希腊和意大利的难民住房运动与这两个国家出现的两个运动党，即激进左翼联盟和五星星星运动之间的关系。此外，我将试图分析这些难民住房运动如何与执政的运动党谈判他们的关系。我将寻求调查住房运动是否分别与激进左翼联盟和五星星星运动政府合作或竞争。我还将试图分析难民和移民在意大利和希腊的难民住房社会运动中直接发挥的作用。为了解决这些研究问题，我将从事定性实地考察，在希腊进行10次采访现任和前任地方和国家政府官员，10次采访参与者在反紧缩和难民住房运动，10次采访。我们选择了两个典型的案例--希腊和意大利--选择这两个案例是因为它们为运动党的出现、成功和随后的衰落提供了重要的见解，还因为每个国家的这些发展的性质显示出足够的多样性，值得进行比较，从而可以对关键的因果机制进行调查（Seawright和Gerring，2008）。具体而言，重点是罗马和雅典，在那里，围绕难民和移民住房的行动主义与通过地方政府获得某种形式的机构或政党支持的社会运动明显交叉。因此，这两个城市提供了一个令人信服的经验基础，从中了解运动如何创造和维持住房倡议，如蹲，以及他们是否通过城市一级的政党政治维持。更一般地说，这两个案例研究使我们能够追踪运动政党如何破坏或支持基层社会运动。这两种情况也有重要的对比特征。2009年后，雅典出现了相当大的反紧缩动员浪潮。2015年，随着难民和移民大量涌入雅典，反紧缩运动和难民住房的参与者往往相互重叠，形成了自治和自治的社区。在激进左翼联盟执政期间，雅典的大量棚户区没有被驱逐--无论是在国家政府还是在市政府--一些证据表明，市政府间接支持这些难民住房运动。这种情况在2019年突然结束，几乎所有这样的蹲点都在右翼新民主党上台后几周被驱逐。罗马的特点是历史上的棚户区和住房权利运动，经历了复苏后，2008年经济危机，约5,000个家庭生活在103个住房棚户区，许多住房寻求庇护者，难民，移民和罗姆人棚户区（Grazioli，2017; Maestri，2019 b）。此外，五星星星运动赢得了2016年罗马的地方选举，开始了一段时间的（往往是非正式的）与住房权利活动家团体的谈判。然而，从2018年开始，由于五星星星运动和莱加之间的全国联合政府采取了越来越镇压的方式，这些关系变得紧张。

The purpose of this project is to investigate the relationship between refugee housing movements in Greece and Italy with the two Movement Parties that have emerged in these countries, namely Syriza and the Five Star Movement. Moreover, I will seek to analyze how these refugee housing movements negotiated their relationship with the Movement Parties in power. I will seek to investigate whether housing movements cooperated with or contested the Syriza and the Five Star Movement governments respectively. I will, also, seek to analyze the role that refugees and migrants played directly within the refugee housing social movements in Italy and in Greece. In order to tackle these research questions, I will engage in qualitative fieldwork, conducting ten interviews with current and former local and national government officials in Greece, ten interviews with participants in anti-austerity and refugee housing movements, ten interviews. We select two typical cases - Greece and Italy - chosen both because they provide important insights into country cases where Movement Parties have emerged, become successful, and experienced subsequent episodes of decline, and because the nature of these developments in each country show sufficient diversity to warrant comparison, thereby allowing investigation into the key causal mechanisms of interest (Seawright and Gerring 2008). Specifically, the focus is on Rome and Athens, where activism around refugee and migrant housing, intersects visibly with social movements that have had some form of institutional or party support through local government. Both cities thus offer a compelling empirical base from which to understand how movements create and sustain housing initiatives such as squats, and whether they are sustained through city-level party politics. More generally, both case studies allow us to trace how movement parties undermine or support, grassroots social movements. The two cases also have important contrasting features. Athens saw a considerable wave of anti-austerity mobilisation after 2009. In 2015, as refugees and migrants arrived into Athens in large numbers, participants in anti-austerity movements and refugee housing often overlapped with each other, creating autonomous and self-governed communities. A large number of squats in Athens were not evicted whilst Syriza was in power - both in the national and city government - with some evidence suggesting that city authorities were indirectly supporting these refugee housing movements. This came to an abrupt end in 2019 when almost all such squats were evicted weeks after the right-wing New Democracy came to power. Rome is characterised by a history of squatting and housing rights movements, which experienced a revival after the 2008 economic crisis, with around 5,000 families living in 103 housing squats, many housing asylum seekers, refugees, migrant and Roma squatters (Grazioli, 2017; Maestri, 2019b). Further, Five Star Movement won the local elections in Rome in 2016, starting a period of (often informal) negotiations with housing rights activist groups. From 2018, however, these relationships were strained as a result of the national coalition government between Five Star Movement and Lega, which adopted an increasingly repressive approach.