'Instructional Print Culture and the Morality Play, 1536-1594'.

人们通常认为，早期英国戏剧的所有工作都是通过表演来完成的。没有了必然是逃亡的戏剧经验，这些道德说教的戏剧变得沉默；如果印刷出来，它只会为表演团提供在舞台上重振他们(字面意思是让他们从死亡中复活)的剧本。我认为，在早期的现代世界中，情况并非如此。我的研究将阐述在莎士比亚之前的时代，都铎戏剧是如何作为一种自救文学体裁发挥作用的，通过不低于舞台的页面来更好地吸引观众。我将测试这样一种理论，即在15世纪90年代伦敦剧院的商业繁荣之前，道德戏剧的文本被出版为对阅读它们的有文化的门外汉具有伦理、教育或实践帮助。我将通过研究16世纪的原始版本来实现这一点，作为印刷商和出版商接受文本的一种行为，他们意识到道德剧作为一种有趣的印刷教学流派的潜力。太多时候，剧本被狭隘地视为试图记录戏剧事件；我将通过将这一老掉牙的类别视为普遍存在的漏洞百出的人工制品来陌生，旨在以其他印刷的教学、虔诚和参考作品的风格阅读--例如手册、教科书、布道，甚至年鉴或词典。这将是对文艺复兴时期戏剧体裁界限的修正主义探索，调查道德剧与有用文本的视觉和主题关系，这些文本可能塑造了它们的接受度，并赋予它们作为阅读材料的效用。我的项目将是第一次研究其他文本的页面设计、说教技巧和道德信息对这一传统出现在印刷品上的影响，从宗教改革后的新教全盛时期到15世纪80年代之后它的改编和被其他戏剧体裁取代。我的案例研究将是四位伦敦文具商，他们共同印刷或出版了本世纪中叶大多数具有决定性意义的白话戏剧：威廉·科普兰(从1548年到1565年参与了九个戏剧版本)，托马斯·科尔威尔(七个，从1562-1575年)，约翰·阿尔德(七个，从1565年到1570年)，理查德·琼斯(1569-94年，10岁)。我将根据这些戏剧的道德图式，将其分为三大类进行研究：那些角色全部或主要以美德和邪恶命名的戏剧，如威廉·韦格和乌尔宾·富尔韦尔的戏剧；那些尝试用道德与世俗或历史人物一起玩象征主义的戏剧，如阿皮乌斯和弗吉尼亚或托马斯·普雷斯顿的坎比塞斯；以及那些看起来独立于道德游戏惯例的戏剧，如伽默·古尔顿的《针》(由科尔韦尔印刷)，泰伦坦的实验杰克·贾格勒(阿尔德和科普兰)，或马洛的坦伯兰大帝(琼斯)。这最后一个群体是最小的，但受到了最关键的关注，这将帮助我完善我的发现，并为正在进行的关于古典和人文主义对都铎戏剧的影响的学术辩论做出贡献。我选择的日期在以可移动的形式呈现道德对话的历史上具有重要意义。1536年，英国宗教改革前占主导地位的戏剧印刷商约翰·拉斯特尔去世，15世纪对话《潜水与乞丐》的最后一版由托马斯·贝瑟莱特印刷，仍然被装订在密密麻麻的完整版面上，这是它最早的手稿的“中世纪”页面。1594年，根据艾伦·B·法默和扎卡里·莱塞的说法，出现了印刷戏剧的第一次商业“繁荣”，从公共剧场向观众销售。然而，那一年也见证了最后一部印刷的道德戏剧之一，理查德·琼斯的《知道一个恶棍的诀窍》版本，其中融合了新的城市喜剧和老式的拟人化(其中一个人物是《诚实》)，并展示了约翰·拉斯泰尔在已经发生了翻天覆地的变化的戏剧文化中所认可的说教模式的持续生命力。

It is often thought that early English plays did all of their work through performance. Without the theatrical experience, necessarily fugitive, these moralising dramas fell mute; if printed, it was only to provide acting troupes with scripts to revive them (literally, return them from death) onstage. I argue that this was not the case in the early modern world. My research will address how Tudor drama in the age before Shakespeare functioned as a genre of self-help literature, bettering its audience through the page no less than the stage. I will test the theory that, before the commercial flourishing of London's theatres in the 1590s, the texts of morality plays were published to be ethically, didactically, or practically helpful to the literate laypeople who read them. I will do this by studying the original sixteenth-century editions as an act of textual reception by their printers and publishers, who realised the morality play's potential as an entertaining genre of printed instruction. Too often, playbooks are narrowly approached as attempts to record a theatrical event; I will defamiliarize this well-worn category by treating the 'playbook' as a generically porous artefact, designed to be read in the style of other printed works of instruction, devotion, and reference - such as manuals, schoolbooks, sermons, and even almanacs or dictionaries. This will be a revisionist inquiry into the boundaries of genre in Renaissance drama, investigating morality plays' visual and thematic relationship to useful texts which may have shaped their reception and given them utility as reading material. My project will be the first study of the influence of other texts' page-designs, didactic techniques, and moral messages on the emergence of this tradition into print, from its Protestant heyday after the Reformation to its adaptation and replacement by other dramatic genres after the 1580s.My case studies will be four London stationers who printed or published, between them, most of the defining vernacular dramas of the mid-century: William Copland (who had a hand in nine dramatic editions from c.1548-c.1565), Thomas Colwell (seven, from 1562-75), John Allde (seven, from c.1565-c.1570), and Richard Jones (ten, from 1569-94). I will study these plays in three broad divisions, according to their moral schemata: those whose characters are all or predominantly named for virtues and vices, such as the plays of William Wager and Ulpian Fulwell; those which experiment with morality play symbolism alongside secular or historical characters, such as Apius and Virginia or Thomas Preston's Cambises; and those which appear independent of morality play convention, such as Gammer Gurton's Needle (printed by Colwell), the Terentian experiment Jack Juggler (Allde and Copland), or Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great (Jones). This last group is the smallest but has received the most critical attention, which will help me to refine my findings and contribute to the ongoing scholarly debates about classical and humanist influences on Tudor drama.My chosen dates are significant in the history of the representation of moral dialogue in moveable type. In 1536, England's dominant pre-Reformation play-printer, John Rastell, died - and the final edition of the fifteenth-century dialogue Dives and Pauper was printed by Thomas Berthelet, still set in dense unbroken blocks, the 'medieval' mise-en-page of its earliest manuscripts. In 1594, according to Alan B. Farmer and Zachary Lesser, there occurred the first commercial 'boom' of printed drama marketed at audiences from the public playhouses. However, that year also saw one of the final printed morality plays, Richard Jones's edition of A Knack to Know a Knave, which mixes the new city comedy with old-fashioned personification (one of its characters is 'Honesty'), and shows the continued vitality of a didactic mode John Rastell would have recognised in a theatrical culture which had changed beyond his recognitio