Alyawarr children's variable present temporal reference expression in two, closely-related languages of Central Australia

Alyawarr children's variable present temporal reference expression in two, closely-related languages of Central Australia
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Alyawarr 儿童变量以澳大利亚中部两种密切相关的语言呈现时间参考表达

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2017
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通讯作者:
S. Dixon
S. Dixon
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作者:
S. Dixon

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在澳大利亚中部一个偏远的小社区,年幼的孩子们主要讲阿利亚瓦英语 (AlyE),这是一种新的澳大利亚中部接触语言。在学校,他们正在学习标准澳大利亚英语(SAE)作为第二语言。他们在 SAE 中遇到的许多事情看起来很熟悉,但也有很多明显不同。在这两者之间,会存在许多微妙的差异,这些差异可能更难以检测、解析和维护。这项研究调查了这种显着的双变语言使用,考虑是否确实存在单独的“代码”,如何对它们进行定量建模,以及它们告诉我们语言之间形式相似性和新兴双语的影响。童年时期使用多种密切相关的语言在某种程度上是以下几项研究的最后前沿:儿童语言发展、第二语言习得和克里奥尔语研究。然而,这些领域中常见的方法并不容易导入到当前场景中:因为虽然现有的单独代码的假设在操作上可能是实用的(即使理论上有争议),但当前数据集中重叠结构(即在 AlyE 和 SAE 中使用的语素)的存在使得基于结构的代码分离出现问题。这里测试的解决方案采用了 6 个焦点儿童 50 多个小时的自然视频记录的语料库,首先创建两个最大对比、上下文定义的数据集:HOME(家庭,Alyawarr 对话者)和 SCHOOL(学校,非 Alyawarr 对话者)。然后使用比较变分方法对每个数据集进行分析。选择了现在时态参考从句的三个变量:带有变体 V 的体态形态(例如“look”)、Ving(例如“looking”)和 Vbat(例如“lookbat”)、1sg 主语代词(“I”和“AM”)和动词及物性标记(-im 和 unmarked)。在 HOME 和 SCHOOL 数据中,检查变体、它们的分布、各自的变体包络和变量语法(使用 Goldvarb X 中进行的逻辑多元回归建模)。结果表明,所有三个变量都存在代码分离,但每种情况下的变化轨迹并不相同。对于及物标记和 1sg 主语代词,在 HOME 和 SCHOOL 数据中都部署了相同的变量语法,而在 SCHOOL 中越来越多地避免类似非 SAE 的变体(即 -im 和“AM”),因此 SAE 兼容变体(即 -Ø 和“I”)的变体范围扩大了其使用范围,成为儿童 SAE 中的分类变体。对于体形态,变化的轨迹位于可变语法内,其中复杂的重组模式被证明(例如 HOME V 与“静态”子句密切相关;SCHOOL V 与“静态”和“习惯性”子句密切相关)。此外,变体范围的根本变化(例如,Ving 不用于 HOME 中的及物动词,但用于 SCHOOL)和变体范围(例如 Vbat 不用于 SCHOOL)表明这些仍然是使用所有三个变量时的核心考虑因素。因此,这项研究在方法论方面开辟了新天地,将变分模型应用于儿童双品种语言的使用,并增进了我们对该地区复杂生态中代码分离向量的理解。
In a small, remote central Australian community, young children go about their daily lives mainly speaking Alyawarr English (AlyE), a new Central Australian contact language. At school they are acquiring Standard Australian English (SAE) as a second language. Much of what they encounter in SAE will seem familiar and much will be obviously different. In between, there will be many subtle differences that are possibly harder to detect, parse and maintain. This study investigates this remarkable bi-varietal language use, considering whether separate ‘codes’ are indeed evidenced, how they can be quantitatively modelled, and what they tell us about the impact of formal similarity between languages and emerging bilingualism. The use in childhood of multiple closely-related languages is somewhat of a final frontier for several strands of research: child language development, second language acquisition, and creole studies. However, the methodologies common in these fields don’t easily import to the present scenario: for while the assumption of existing, separate codes may be operationally practical (even if theoretically contestable), the presence of overlapping structures (i.e. morphemes that are used in both AlyE and SAE) in the present data set makes code separation on structural grounds problematic. The solution tested here takes a corpus of 50+ hours of naturalistic video recordings of six focus children, and first creates two maximally contrastive, contextually defined data sets: HOME (home, Alyawarr interlocutor) and SCHOOL (school, non-Alyawarr interlocutor). Each data set is then analysed using the Comparative Variationist method. Three variables of present temporal references clauses were selected: aspect morphology with variants V (e.g. ‘look’), Ving (e.g. ‘looking’), and Vbat (e.g. ‘lookbat’), 1sg subject pronouns (‘I’ and ‘AM’) and verb transitivity marking (-im and unmarked). In both HOME and SCHOOL data, variants, their distributions, respective envelopes of variation and variable grammar (modelled using logistic multiple regression conducted in Goldvarb X) are examined. The results show that code-separation is evidenced for all three variables, but that the locus of change is not the same in each case. For transitive marking and 1sg subject pronouns, the same variable grammar is deployed in both HOME and SCHOOL data, while non-SAE-like variants are increasingly avoided in the SCHOOL (i.e. -im and ‘AM’) and thus the envelope of variation for the SAE-compatible variant (i.e. -Ø and ‘I’) expands its range of use on the way to becoming the categorical variant in the children’s SAE. For aspectual morphology, the locus of change is located within the variable grammar where complex patterns of reorganisation are evidenced (e.g. HOME V is strongly associated with ‘stative’ clauses; SCHOOL V with ‘stative’ and ‘habitual’). Additionally, fundamental changes in the envelope of variation (e.g. Ving is not used on transitive verbs in the HOME but is in the SCHOOL) and the range of variants (e.g. Vbat is not used in the SCHOOL) indicate that these remain central considerations in the use of all three variables. This study therefore breaks new ground in both methodological terms, with the application of variationist modelling to child bi-varietal language use, and in advancing our understanding of the vectors of code-separation in the complex ecologies of the region.
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DOI: 10.1080/09658416.2010.524301
发表时间: 2010
期刊: Language Awareness
影响因子: 2
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DOI: 10.1044/jslhr.4105.1115
发表时间: 1998
期刊: Journal of speech, language, and hearing research : JSLHR
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发表时间: 2015
期刊: American Speech
影响因子: 0.5
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