Doctoral Dissertation Research in Political Science: Ethnicity and Retrospection: Explaining Voting Behavior in Uganda
Doctoral Dissertation Research in Political Science: Ethnicity and Retrospection: Explaining Voting Behavior in Uganda
批准号:
0921481
负责人:
Daniel Posner
金额:
$1.2万
依托单位国家:
美国
项目类别:
Standard Grant
财政年份:
2009
资助国家:
美国
项目状态:
已结题
起止时间:
2009-09-15 至 2010-08-31
中文摘要
根据传统观点,非洲选民在选举期间按种族划分,每个群体都投票给自己。然而,在乌干达,穆塞韦尼总统的班扬科尔民族只占总人口的9%,而穆塞韦尼得到了大多数公众的支持。显然,大量乌干达人肯定是在投票给他们所在民族以外的候选人。然而,班扬科尔人似乎确实在种族上投票,支持穆塞韦尼的人数远远高于整个人口。如何解释这种投票模式?班扬科尔和非班扬科尔选民出于同样的原因支持穆塞韦尼吗?该项目假设,缺乏种族线索的非班扬科尔选民根据他们对穆塞韦尼过去执政表现的评估进行投票。为了解释班扬科尔的投票行为,该项目检验了文献中的五个假设。在两个假设中,班扬科尔和非班扬科尔一样,投票纯粹基于对穆塞韦尼表现的评估。穆塞韦尼在班扬科尔人中的优势来自于他的同族人对他的表现更有好感,要么是因为他为他们提供了更多的商品,要么是因为他们相信他已经做到了。在第二组假设中,非班扬科尔人仍然根据表现投票,而班扬科尔人支持穆塞韦尼,因为他是他们的种族。班扬科尔可能出于种族自豪感投票给穆塞韦尼,因为他们认为同族代表着他们未来商品的最佳机会,或者是因为他们面临着与自己的种族集团投票的社会压力。这项研究的核心是投票模拟实验,750名受访者被要求在种族、表现记录和其他特征被随机分配的候选人之间进行选择。这项测试允许研究人员确定选民,无论是否班扬科尔,是否依赖于表现或种族(或其他)作为他们投票的基础。投票模拟也被用来检验社会投票假说:如果社会压力决定投票,选民在被要求在一群同族中大声投票时,应该比在无记名投票时更有可能选择同族候选人。在研究的第二部分,受访者对假设的同族或非同族候选人如果当选,将为他们提供就业等商品的信心进行评分。这项实验决定了,在其他条件不变的情况下,选民是否希望从一位同族候选人那里获得更多未来的好处。最后,研究人员创建了乌干达35个村庄的家庭财富和公共服务质量清单。这些数据使研究人员能够确定班扬科尔人在穆塞韦尼的领导下是否比其他人获得了显著更多的收益,以及/或者他们是否高估了自己获得的东西。这些数据与对穆塞韦尼的评估、对穆塞韦尼的预测和对穆塞韦尼的投票进行了比较,表明了候选人相对于种族的表现在预测乌干达特定政治背景下的选票份额方面的重要性。这项研究的试验性改进了现有关于非洲投票的研究,将选民面临的候选人特征和选举条件隔离开来并加以控制。此外,该项目将产生一个独特的新数据集,其中包含公共产品的客观和主观指标,使这些指标的实际变化能够与实际的个人投票行为联系起来。这些调查结果将提供有关穆塞韦尼如何分配货物以及选民如何做出决定的客观信息,将与多个进行货物供应工作的乌干达研究组织分享,并通过公共媒体和直接邮寄给进行调查的地区的领导人进行传播。
英文摘要
According to the conventional wisdom, African voters split along ethnic lines at election time, with each group voting for its own. In Uganda, however, President Museveni's ethnic group, the Banyankole, comprise only nine percent of the population while Museveni is supported by a majority of the public. Clearly, large numbers of Ugandans must be voting for candidates outside of their ethnic group. Nevertheless, the Banyankole do seem to vote ethnically, supporting Museveni in numbers much higher than does the population as a whole. What explains this pattern of voting? Do Banyankole and non-Banyankole voters support Museveni for the same reasons? The project hypothesizes that non-Banyankole voters, lacking ethnic cues, vote based on their assessments of Museveni's past performance in office. To explain the voting behavior of the Banyankole, the project examines five hypotheses from the literature. In two hypotheses, the Banyankole, like the non-Banyankole, vote purely based on assessments of Museveni's performance. Museveni's advantage among the Banyankole comes from the fact that his co-ethnics assess his performance more favorably, either because he has provided them with more goods or because they believe he has. In the second set of hypotheses, non-Banyankole still vote based on performance, while the Banyankole support Museveni specifically because he is of their ethnic group. Banyankole may vote for Museveni out of ethnic pride, because they believe a co-ethnic represents their best chance of future goods, or because they face social pressure to vote with their ethnic bloc. The core of the study is a voting simulation experiment in which 750 respondents were asked to choose between candidates whose ethnicity, performance record and other characteristics have been randomly assigned. This test allows the researcher to determine if voters, whether Banyankole or not, rely on performance or ethnicity (or something else) as the basis of their vote. The voting simulation is also be used to test the social voting hypothesis: if social pressure determines voting, voters should be more likely to select co-ethnic candidates when asked to vote aloud among a group of co-ethnics than when marking a secret ballot. In the second part of the study, respondents rate their confidence that a hypothetical co-ethnic or non-co-ethnic candidate, if elected, would provide them with goods such as employment. This experiment determines whether, all things equal, voters expect more future goods from a co-ethnic candidate. Finally, the researcher creates inventories of household wealth and public service quality in 35 villages throughout Uganda. These data enable the researcher to determine whether the Banyankole have gained significantly more than other under Museveni's leadership and/or whether they overestimate what they receive. The data, compared to assessments of, predictions about, and votes for Museveni, indicate the importance of candidate performance, relative to ethnicity, in predicting vote share in the specific context of Ugandan politics. The experimental nature of the study improves upon existing research on African voting by isolating and controlling the candidate characteristics and electoral conditions to which voters are exposed. In addition, the project will produce a unique new dataset that contains both objective and subjective indicators of public goods, in a way that allows real changes in these indicators to be linked to actual individual voting behavior. The findings, which will provide objective information about how Museveni distributes goods and how voters make their decisions, will be shared with multiple Ugandan research organizations conducting work on goods provision, and disseminated both through the public media and in direct mailings to leaders of areas in which the survey was conducted.
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