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The project investigates the activity, impact and identify of independent warlords in the Ukraine during the Russian Civil War, 1917-1921

该项目调查 1917 年至 1921 年俄罗斯内战期间乌克兰独立军阀的活动、影响和身份

基本信息

批准号：
216374980
负责人：
Dr. Christopher Gilley
金额：
--
依托单位：
Arbeitsbereich Europäische Geschichte
依托单位国家：
德国
项目类别：
Research Grants
财政年份：
2012
资助国家：
德国
起止时间：
2011-12-31 至 2015-12-31
项目状态：
已结题

来源：
https://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/projekt/216374980?language=en
关键词：
project investigates activity impact identify

项目摘要

The objective of the application for an extension is to allow me to explore more the groups covered by the expanded concept of warlordism that I developed during the project. Initially, I used warlordism simply as an English translation of the Ukrainian word "otamanshchyna" (the regime of the otamans). However, the archival documents revealed that the phenomenon, which has always been associated with the Ukrainian state's failure to control the military commanders affiliated with it, mirrored a similar problem faced by the Bolsheviks: partizanshchina (in English, often translated as "guerrilla-ism"). The Bolsheviks used this word to refer to locally created insurgent units that they sought to incorporate into the Red Army, yet resisted central control. Above all, this means that is necessary to study further the activity of the putative anarchist Nestor Makhno, who was active in the south-eastern Ukraine from 1917 and, for the Bolsheviks, was the personification of partizanshchina. The original proposal had left open whether Makhno would be included in the study due to the apparent differences between him and the nationalist warlords and the fact that Makhno's activity had produced enough material for a monograph on him alone. In addition, I will look at the smaller bands associated with Makhno, who like him moved between opposition to and cooperation with the Bolsheviks. I will conduct this research using materials already collected in the archives. Without including Makhno and other examples of partizanshchina, an account of warlordism in the Ukraine would be incomplete.This means examining the impact Makhno and his allies had on the course of the Civil War in the Ukraine while also analysing the personae they projected to mobilise support, identify enemies and maintain internal coherence in the bands. Here, I will explore the following hypotheses: (1) that nationalism and Cossack personae were far less important to those warlords who presented themselves as anarchists than the image of belonging to an international revolutionary movement; (2) that the enemies of the putative anarchists were defined less by ethnicity and more by class.

申请延期的目的是使我能够更多地探索我在项目期间形成的扩大的军阀观念所涵盖的群体。起初，我只是把军阀主义作为乌克兰语“otamanshchyna”(奥塔曼政权)的英文译名。然而，档案文件显示，这种现象一直与乌克兰政府未能控制与其有关联的军事指挥官有关，反映了布尔什维克面临的类似问题：PartizanshChina(在英语中，经常被翻译为“游击主义”)。布尔什维克用这个词来指代当地创建的叛乱单位，他们试图并入红军，但拒绝中央控制。最重要的是，这意味着有必要进一步研究公认的无政府主义者内斯托尔·马克诺的活动，他从1917年开始活跃在乌克兰东南部，对布尔什维克来说，他是党派中国的化身。最初的提议没有确定马克诺是否会被包括在研究中，因为他和民族主义军阀之间存在明显的差异，而且马克诺的活动已经产生了足够的材料，足以写一本关于他的专著。此外，我将看看与马克诺有关的较小的乐队，他们像他一样在反对和合作布尔什维克之间移动。我将使用档案中已经收集的材料进行这项研究。如果不包括马克诺和其他党派的例子，对乌克兰军阀统治的描述将是不完整的。这意味着研究马克诺及其盟友在乌克兰内战过程中产生的影响，同时也分析他们在动员支持、识别敌人和维持乐队内部一致性方面所投射的人物形象。在这里，我将探讨以下假设：(1)民族主义和哥萨克人格对那些将自己标榜为无政府主义者的军阀来说，远没有属于国际革命运动的形象那么重要；(2)所谓的无政府主义者的敌人更多地是由阶级而不是种族来定义的。