Reciprocal relations between populist radical-right attitudes and political information behavior:A longitudinal study of attitude development in high-choice information environments.

民粹主义的激进右翼(PRR)政党在欧洲变得越来越成功。他们的成功秘诀似乎在于民族主义、威权主义和民粹主义的结合。首先，有证据表明，这种意识形态也可以在公民的思维定势中找到。然而，到目前为止，这些态度主要是作为独立的概念来研究的，并被明确测量。此外，当分析了这些态度的影响后，重点一直放在政党偏好和投票行为上。这个项目旨在做出五方面的贡献。首先，革命制度改革的态度将被概念化，并作为一个明确和含蓄的联合概念加以衡量，使我们能够确定人口中可能不投票给革命制度党但持有这种态度的不同部分。其次，我们分析了公民的公关态度如何影响他们对政治信息的使用，结合对信息回避和选择性信息寻求的研究，解释了哪种类型的公关公民倾向于哪种信息节食。第三，我们考察了不同类型的PRR态度如何影响自我选择的信息饮食的加工，以及这对PRR态度的进一步发展(例如激进化或弱化)有什么影响。第四，我们阐明了我们认为对于理解PRR态度和信息行为之间的相互关系至关重要的主持人，即政治成熟度、PRR想法的社会(不)可取性的国家背景和这种声音的力量，以及政治争论的程度。第五，我们通过跟踪所有问题和所有可免费获得的网页和社交媒体上的政治信息使用情况，在方法上对研究状况作出贡献，从而超越了对预先定义的网站的跟踪。根据这五个对现有研究的贡献，我们的研究的指导问题是：1.公民持有哪些类型的公关态度，这些态度在瑞士和德国的人口中传播的范围有多大？2.在这两个国家，不同公关态度的公民表现出哪些类型的政治信息使用？3.考虑到不同程度的政治辩论，不同类型的公关态度如何影响自选信息饮食的加工，以及这如何影响公关态度的进一步发展(仅针对瑞士进行分析)？为了解决这些问题，我们将调查数据与人们在网上和线下的信息使用情况进行跟踪，并对跟踪的信息饮食进行系统的内容分析。对于瑞士，我们进行了三波小组调查和两波跟踪研究，使我们能够跟踪PRR态度的发展，并区分不同程度的政治争论的影响。为了深入了解特定国家变量的作用，我们将瑞士的数据与德国的一项横断面调查进行了比较，随后是一项媒体使用情况跟踪。

Populist radical-right (PRR) parties turn more and more successful in Europe. Their success formula seems to lie in a combination of nationalism, authoritarianism and populism. First evidence suggests that this ideological package can also be found in citizens’ mind-sets. However, up to now, these attitudes have primarily been studied as separated concepts and measured explicitly. Beyond, when effects of these attitudes have been analyzed, the focus has been on party preferences and voting behavior.This project aims to make a fivefold contribution. First, PRR attitudes will be conceptualized and measured as a conjoint concept, both explicitly and implicitly, allowing us to identify segments of the population that might not vote for PRR parties yet hold variants of such attitudes. Second, we analyze how citizens’ PRR attitudes affect their use of political information, explaining which types of PRR citizens tend towards which “information diets” combining research on information avoidance and selective information seeking. Third, we examine how different types of PRR attitudes affect the processing of self-selected information diets and what impact this has on the further development of PRR attitudes (e.g. radicalization or weakening). Fourth, we shed light on moderators that we regard as crucial for understanding the reciprocal relationship between PRR attitudes and information behavior, namely political sophistication, country-contexts of social (un-)desirability of PRR ideas and strength of such voices, and the degree of political contestation. Fifth, we methodologically contribute to the state of research by tracking the political information usage on all issues and all freely available webpages and social media, thus going beyond the tracking of pre-defined sites. Following these five contributions to the existing research, the questions guiding our research are:1. Which types of PRR attitudes do citizens hold and how widely are these attitudes spread throughout the population of Switzerland and Germany?2. What types of political information usage do citizens with different PRR attitudes exhibit in these two countries?3. How do different types of PRR attitudes affect the processing of self-selected information diets taking into account varying degrees of political contestation and how does this impact the further development of PRR attitudes (only analyzed for Switzerland)? To tackle these questions, we combine survey data with a tracking of people’s on- and offline information usage and a systematic content analysis of the tracked information diets. For Switzerland, we conduct a three-wave panel survey and a two-wave tracking study allowing us to trace the development of PRR attitudes and to differentiate effects of different degrees of political contestation. To get insights into the role of country-specific variables we compare the Swiss data with a cross-sectional survey followed by one media usage tracking in Germany.