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Comparative Legal Culture Research on the History of Constitutionalism : Sovereignty and Ownership in Russia and the West

宪政史比较法律文化研究:俄罗斯与西方的主权与所有权

基本信息

批准号：
08620015
负责人：
OH'E Taiichiro
金额：
$ 1.22万
依托单位：
Shizuoka University
依托单位国家：
日本
项目类别：
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C)
财政年份：
1996
资助国家：
日本
起止时间：
1996 至 1998
项目状态：
已结题

项目摘要

The major portion of written law in Imperial Russia was formulated as The Russian Imperial Law. Code (svod)' in the first half of the 19th Century. Although the terminology in the legal codeborrowed largely from French and German law, its conceptual structure was different. This fact is clearly revealed in the pluralistic system of owner ship institutions (in the code the institution of 'state ownership', so to say quasi-public law institution which grew fat later under the socialist system, and the 'private' and many other ownership institutions came to coexist) and the autocratic and unlimited' character of the monarch's authority. The logical structure of this written law is qualitatively different to the peculiarly Western European concept ofownership('la garantie des droits') and political power ('Ia se'paration des pouvoirs'), so ideally and combinably expressed in Article 16 of the French Declaration of Human Rights, to the extent that it does not have the capacity to develop th … More ese concepts (it has the structure of what David terms 'law of administration').Such development was suppressed by 'the yoke of the Tartars' for two and a half centuries, as were non-Western characteristics conceived externally to Russian law, such as the tradition of Cannon Law in the Latin Church and thelegacy of Southern European classical anti-quity, especially the legacy of Roman law. Socialist law was formulated within the lineage oftraditional Russian low.The problem is, however, not only that the structure of the legalorder to be found in written law possesses 'administrative' characteristics. The peasants who made up over ninetypercent of the Imperial Russian population, lived under communalcustoms which had a character of compulsory ('leiturgisch' according to M.Weber's terminology) organisation and the selfish ('unlimited') jurisdiction of the local nobility, as demonstrated by the reality of the Peasant Court set up con-currently with the liberation of peasants in 1861. These communal customs are often referred to by Russian academics and Western scholars as 'customary law' or 'popular law', but as shown by a survey into the actual conditions of the work of the Peasant Court, inreality it did not exceed the norms of a non-legaland non-positivetype of situation ethics (in this way it corresponds to **(qing-li), i.e. 'human sense and reason' found in traditional Chinese law). In other words, written law as 'law of administration' and the legal'vacuum' (order outside of the law)found in Imperial type of society coexisted. The socialist system of quasi-public ownership institutions and Communist Party dictatorship (denial of popular sovereignty on the facts), accorded with this traditional structure of Russian social order.The popular viewpoint held by comparative legal scholars that Sovietlaw and subsequently today's Russian law, falls within the Continental law genealogy, is but one aspect of the state of affairs hinted at in the social order of Russia. Nowaday, we can clearly no longer regard Soviet law characterised as mere 'socialist law' as being a abolition form of capitalist law ('Western modem law). Moreover, viewed from the above angle, the current state of Russian law also suggests the need for a major reconsideration of the extant legal systems theory framework. Less

俄罗斯帝国成文法的主要部分被制定为《俄罗斯帝国法》。十九世纪上半叶的电码（svod）。尽管法典中的术语主要借鉴了法国和德国法律，但其概念结构有所不同。这一事实在多元所有制制度（法典中的“国家所有制”制度，即在社会主义制度下后来发展起来的准公法制度，以及“私人”和其他多种所有制制度并存）和君主权力的专制和无限性特征中得到了明显的体现。这部成文法的逻辑结构与西欧特有的所有权（“la garantie des droits”）和政治权力（“Ia se'paration des pouvoirs”）概念有着本质上的不同，法国人权宣言第16条如此理想地、组合地表达了这一概念，以至于它不具备发展这些概念的能力（它具有大卫所说的“行政法”的结构）。这样的发展被“鞑靼人的枷锁”压制了两个半世纪，俄罗斯法律的外部构想的非西方特征也是如此，例如拉丁教会的大炮法传统和南欧古典古代的遗产，特别是罗马法的遗产。社会主义法律是在俄罗斯传统下层血统中制定的。然而，问题不仅在于成文法中的法律秩序结构具有“行政”特征。占俄罗斯帝国人口百分之九以上的农民生活在具有强制性（根据韦伯的术语“leiturgisch”）组织和当地贵族自私（“无限”）管辖特征的公社习俗下，1861年与农民解放同时建立的农民法院的现实证明了这一点。这些公社习俗经常被称为“公社习俗”。俄罗斯学界和西方学者将其称为“习惯法”或“大众法”，但从农民法院工作的实际情况考察来看，它实际上并没有超出非法律性非实证型情境伦理的规范（这样就对应了中国传统法律中的“情理”）。换句话说，作为“行政法”的成文法与帝国社会中的法律“真空”（法律之外的秩序）并存。准公有制机构和共产党专政（事实上否定人民主权）的社会主义制度，符合俄罗斯社会秩序的这种传统结构。比较法学者所持的流行观点认为，苏联法以及后来的今天的俄罗斯法属于大陆法谱系，但这只是俄罗斯社会秩序所暗示的事态的一个方面。现在，我们显然不能再把仅仅被定性为“社会主义法”的苏联法视为资本主义法（“西方现代法”）的废除形式。而且，从上述角度来看，俄罗斯法律的现状也表明有必要对现行法律体系理论框架进行重大反思。较少的