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A Non-Brugmannian Approach to the Genesis of the Germanic Verbal System

日耳曼语言系统起源的非布鲁格曼方法

基本信息

批准号：
14510624
负责人：
TANAKA Toshiya
金额：
$ 1.54万
依托单位：
KYUSHU UNIVERSITY
依托单位国家：
日本
项目类别：
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C)
财政年份：
2002
资助国家：
日本
起止时间：
2002 至 2004
项目状态：
已结题

项目摘要

The present Study attempts a new historical and comparative approach to the genesis of the Germanic verbal system, beginning with analysis of Old English preterite-present verbs. Preterite-present verbs show morphological peculiarities : their present singular typically exhibits the o-grade base vocalism, to conform with the preterite singular of a strong verb, whilst their preterite is augmented with a dental suffix, which accords with the preterite formation of a weak verb. Traditional studies have frequently construed these characteristics as stemming from the original o-grade perfect having been reinterpreted as the new present, along with the suppression of the original e-grade present, and from the Germanic dental or weak preterite having been newly adopted for the preterite formation. The present work calls this view into question by focusing on the difficulties inherent in this conventional approach. In order to give a more convincing and natural account of the historical development of preterite-present verbs, this investigation adopts a Proto-Indo-European reconstruction model proposed in some recent comparative linguistic studies and occasionally labelled as a Non-Brugmannian model or an Active hypothesis. This model or hypothesis takes the position that the Indo-European parent-language did not have a verbal system of the Greco-Aryan type, that is, a rich conjugation system based on the tense distinction, but a far simpler verbal system observable in active or split-S languages. Through a series of empirical analyses, the current work claims that preterite-present verbs are not sporadic creations in Proto-Germanic but rather fossilised remnants of archaic, non-agentive, stative verbs which were once quite productive in the verbal system. It is also demonstrated that this perspective leads to a plausible new explanation of the genesis of the Germanic verbal system itself.

本文从古英语过去-现在动词入手，对日耳曼语动词系统的起源进行了历史和比较研究。过去现在动词具有形态学上的特殊性：它们的现在单数典型地表现出O级的基本元音，以符合强动词的过去单数，而它们的过去词则增加了一个牙齿后缀，这符合弱动词的过去词形式。传统的研究经常将这些特征解释为源于原始的o级完成时被重新解释为新的现在时，沿着原始的e级现在时被抑制，以及源于日耳曼语的牙式或弱的过去式被新采用为过去式的形成。目前的工作呼吁这一观点的问题，集中在固有的困难，在这种传统的方法。为了对过去现在动词的历史发展做出更有说服力和更自然的解释，本文采用了一些比较语言学研究中提出的原始印欧语重构模式，有时也被称为非布鲁格曼模式或主动假设。这种模式或假设的立场是，印欧语系的母语没有希腊-雅利安类型的动词系统，也就是说，没有基于时态区别的丰富的变位系统，而是在活跃或分裂的S语言中观察到的一个简单得多的动词系统。通过一系列的实证分析，本文认为过去-现在动词不是原始日耳曼语中的零星创造，而是古代非施事状态动词的残余，这些动词在动词系统中曾经是相当多产的。它也表明，这一观点导致了一个似是而非的新的解释的起源日耳曼动词系统本身。