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Community Experience of Conflict in Haiti: Assessing the Emotional Legacy of Civilian Deaths as a result of Intense Use of Force by UN Peacekeepers

海地冲突的社区经历：评估联合国维和人员密集使用武力造成平民死亡的情感遗产

基本信息

批准号：
AH/N00793X/1
负责人：
Siobhan Wills
金额：
$ 10.16万
依托单位：
University of Ulster
依托单位国家：
英国
项目类别：
Research Grant
财政年份：
2016
资助国家：
英国
起止时间：
2016 至无数据
项目状态：
已结题

来源：
https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=AH%2FN00793X%2F1
关键词：
Community Experience Conflict Haiti Assessing

项目摘要

Wills (Transitional Justice Institute, UU) and McLaughlin (School of Creative Arts, QUB) will collaborate on this inter-disciplinary project, which which will combine socio-legal research and participatory practice, in order analyse how the law governing UN peacekeepers' use of force is understood and applied in practice, through a case study of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH); and to explore the impact on local communities of the use of deadly force by peacekeepers. McLaughlin is a documentary filmmaker and professor of film studies. Wills is a professor of law. This project will focus on the use of intense force by MINUSTAH; but the approach could later be applied to other missions operating in situations in which international humanitarian law (IHL, also referred to as ius in bello or law of armed conflict) is inapplicable. Analysis of the effectiveness of the resort to use of deadly force is generally presented from the point of view of the authorities responsible for maintaining law and order, or from the viewpoint of local and international elites; but unless the viewpoints of the people living in the communities where force is used, are also presented, the analysis will be distorted and hence unreliable as a predictor of stability. The project will use participatory documentary film practices (which ensure that participants are co-owners of the project and have control over the use of material in which they appear) as a means by which people that are normally marginalised from international decision-making processes that affect them, may have their voices heard and taken into account in the drafting of UN mission rules of engagement and policy guidelines. The film will enable policy makers to consider the physical, emotional and psychological (and hence political) effects of the use of deadly force on the people living in the communities in which the UN carries out its operations. Social-legal research on the limitations of a 'top-down approach' to controlling political violence suggests that policy makers often fail to take into account the effects of repressive force in creating support for 'bottom up' political movements that challenge the legitimacy of the authorities in charge. Two of the major tipping points that trigger violent mobilisation are killings of protestors and prisoner deaths. Under mission specific 'Chapter VII' rules of engagement MINUSTAH is authorised to use 'deadly force,' if lesser means are ineffective, to 'prevent or put a stop to acts of civil unrest,' defined as the 'commission, perpetration or instigation of acts of violence which affect public peace and order.' Under both international human rights law and IHL the right to use deadly force against civilians is very limited, except where there is a threat to life that cannot be prevented in another way. Between 2004-2007 scores of people were killed by the UN (initially denied but later admitted) during heavily armed raids into Cité Soleil. MINUSTAH is credited with reducing gang violence and most commentators from within the UN view the raids has having been effective in improving security: but 11 years after it was first deployed the mission remains deeply unpopular. One reason for this (among several) is the number of people not involved in criminal activity, including children, that were killed in UN raids; and MINUSTAH's response to their deaths. Since the residents of troubled communities rarely write journal articles or produce their own reports (50% of Haiti's population over the age of 15 is illiterate) their voices are usually mediated through those of their political leaders; who may also represent other interests. Participatory film-making practices allow those most directly affected by violence to tell their own stories and thus opens up direct channels of communication between the affected communities and the policy makers (many of them from outside Haiti) responsible for making decisions on the use of force

遗嘱（过渡司法研究所，UU）和McLaughlin（昆士兰大学创意艺术学院）将合作开展这一跨学科项目，该项目将联合收割机社会法律研究与参与性实践相结合，通过对联合国海地稳定使命的案例研究，分析如何理解和在实践中应用关于联合国维和人员使用武力的法律（联海稳定团）;并探讨维持和平人员使用致命武力对当地社区的影响。McLaughlin是一位纪录片制片人和电影研究教授。威尔斯是法学教授。这一项目将侧重于联海稳定团使用强力的情况;但这一办法以后可适用于在国际人道主义法（国际人道主义法，也称为战时法或武装冲突法）不适用的情况下开展行动的其他特派团。对使用致命武力的有效性的分析通常是从负责维持法律和秩序的当局的角度，或从地方和国际精英的角度提出的;但是，除非也提出生活在使用武力的社区的人民的观点，否则这种分析将是扭曲的，因此作为稳定的预测因素是不可靠的。该项目将采用参与式纪录片做法（确保参与者是项目的共同所有人，并对他们出现的材料的使用拥有控制权），以此作为一种手段，使通常在影响他们的国际决策进程中被边缘化的人能够在起草联合国使命的接战规则和政策指导方针时听到并考虑到他们的声音。这部电影将使决策者能够考虑使用致命武力对联合国开展行动的社区居民的身体、情感和心理（以及政治）影响。关于“自上而下的方法”控制政治暴力的局限性的社会法律研究表明，政策制定者在为挑战当权者合法性的“自下而上”政治运动创造支持时，往往没有考虑到镇压力量的影响。引发暴力动员的两个主要引爆点是杀害抗议者和囚犯死亡。根据使命具体的“第七章”接战规则，联海稳定团被授权使用“致命武力”，如果较轻的手段无效，以“预防或制止内乱行为”，其定义是“实施、实施或煽动影响公共和平与秩序的暴力行为”。根据国际人权法和国际人道法，对平民使用致命武力的权利是非常有限的，除非存在无法以其他方式防止的生命威胁。在2004年至2007年期间，数十人在全副武装的突袭太阳城期间被联合国杀害（最初否认，但后来承认）。联合国海地稳定特派团因减少帮派暴力而受到赞扬，联合国内部的大多数评论员认为，突袭行动在改善安全方面是有效的：但在首次部署11年后，这一使命仍然非常不受欢迎。其中一个原因是在联合国突袭中被打死的包括儿童在内的未参与犯罪活动的人数，以及联海稳定团对他们死亡的反应。由于陷入困境的社区的居民很少撰写期刊文章或撰写自己的报告（海地15岁以上的人口中有50%是文盲），他们的声音通常是通过他们的政治领导人传达的;他们也可能代表其他利益。宣传性的电影制作做法使那些最直接受暴力影响的人能够讲述自己的故事，从而为受影响社区与负责作出使用武力决定的决策者（其中许多人来自海地境外）之间开辟了直接的沟通渠道