权益分类	功能权益	普通用户	{{item.name}}会员
{{category.name}}	{{benefitItem.name}}

Illicit Drug Economies, Governance and Security-Development in the Global South: a Case Study of State-Narco Networks in Post-Transition Bolivia

全球南方的非法毒品经济、治理和安全发展：转型后玻利维亚国家毒品网络案例研究

基本信息

批准号：
ES/P009875/1
负责人：
Allan Jack Joseph Gillies
金额：
--
依托单位：
University of Glasgow
依托单位国家：
英国
项目类别：
Fellowship
财政年份：
2017
资助国家：
英国
起止时间：
2017 至无数据
项目状态：
已结题

来源：
https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=ES%2FP009875%2F1
关键词：
Illicit Drug Economies Governance Security

项目摘要

Conventional policy and academic discourse holds illicit drug economies in the Global South as necessarily violent, and both a cause and consequence of weak institutions, stunted development and general instability. This thinking has been evident in the repressive counterdrug measures that have dominated the international response to the drug trade in developing nations. These broad assumptions, though, fail to account for the complex ways in which drug economies become intertwined with local social, political and economic structures. The nature of these relationships has wide implications, determining, for example: whether or not the drug trade is associated with high-levels of violence; the local political (dis)order and the function of state institutions; and the effects of the drug trade on economic growth and development indicators. In many cases, the failure to grasp these underlying dynamics has led to damaging unintended policy consequences. From both a policy and development perspective, then, a more contextualised analysis is needed to improve understanding of the interplay between illicit economies, governance and the security-development nexus in the Global South. My research adopts such an approach; moving beyond the mainstream orthodoxy to examine a crucial historical case, which continues to hold great contemporary relevance: post-transition Bolivia (1982-1993). This approach reveals the influence of state-narco networks across different spheres of Bolivian life. These effects confound the typical expectations of the mainstream discourse on drugs. First, local trafficking organisations were absorbed into existing political structures, which acted to manage and mediate the violent excesses of the coca-cocaine economy. While its Andean neighbours descended into various forms of drug-related violence, Bolivia's illicit trade thus remained relatively peaceful. Second, tacit-acceptance of drug links running through the military and police was bound to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. As Bolivia made its long-promised transition from authoritarian government, toleration of such practices ensured the continued support of these major political actors for democratisation. In this sense, the illicit economy was interwoven with Bolivia's uneven democratic governance. Third, the booming drug trade helped to stabilise the national economy during crisis and harsh structural reforms. The coca-cocaine economy acted as a social safety net, providing employment and inward investment, while also bolstering the banking system. For many Bolivian farmers, coca-cocaine offered the most viable route out of poverty. Taken together, these factors created ambivalence toward the illicit economy and resistance to the escalation of 'destabilising' US counterdrug efforts. These research findings raise important questions around security, institution building and development in the context of illicit economies. Such issues remain salient within Bolivia. The country continues to be a major producer of coca-cocaine and, increasingly, a transit point for the international cocaine trade. Many rural communities are still reliant on the illicit economy for their income; organised crime and corruption inhibit the function of democratic institutions and the rule of law, with sporadic outbreaks of drug violence in the east of the country. Looking beyond Bolivia, similar (often, more severe) problems are encountered elsewhere around the globe, from the heightened violence of the Mexican Cartels to the opium fuelled conflict of Afghanistan. My own research speaks to these cases, providing strong insights into the development challenges posed by illicit economies. Analysis of these processes is crucial to the formulation of better policy responses; decoupling the drug trade from these countries while avoiding widespread violence, institutional decay and damage to precarious livelihoods.

传统的政策和学术论述认为，全球南部的非法毒品经济必然是暴力的，既是机构薄弱、发展受阻和普遍不稳定的原因，也是其后果。这种想法在国际社会对发展中国家毒品贸易的反应中占主导地位的镇压性禁毒措施中表现得很明显。然而，这些宽泛的假设没有考虑到毒品经济与当地社会、政治和经济结构相互交织的复杂方式。这些关系的性质具有广泛的影响，例如，决定了：毒品贸易是否与高暴力程度有关;地方政治（混乱）秩序和国家机构的职能;毒品贸易对经济增长和发展指标的影响。在许多情况下，未能把握这些基本动态导致了破坏性的意外政策后果。因此，从政策和发展的角度来看，需要进行更有背景的分析，以更好地理解全球南方的非法经济、治理和安全-发展关系之间的相互作用。我的研究采用了这样一种方法;超越主流正统来研究一个关键的历史案例，它仍然具有很大的当代意义：转型后的玻利维亚（1982-1993）。这种方法揭示了国家毒品网络在玻利维亚生活的不同领域的影响。这些影响混淆了关于毒品的主流话语的典型期望。首先，当地的贩运组织被吸收到现有的政治结构中，这些结构起到了管理和调解古柯-可卡因经济暴力过度的作用。虽然其安第斯邻国陷入了各种形式的与毒品有关的暴力，但玻利维亚的非法贸易仍然相对和平。第二，默许军队和警察与毒品的联系必然有助于维持脆弱的政治平衡。随着玻利维亚实现其长期承诺的从独裁政府的过渡，对这种做法的容忍确保了这些主要政治行为体对民主化的持续支持。从这个意义上说，非法经济与玻利维亚不平衡的民主治理交织在一起。第三，在危机和严厉的结构改革期间，蓬勃发展的毒品贸易有助于稳定国家经济。古柯-可卡因经济充当了社会安全网，提供就业和内向投资，同时也支撑了银行系统。对许多玻利维亚农民来说，古柯-可卡因提供了摆脱贫困的最可行途径。综合起来，这些因素造成了对非法经济的矛盾心理，以及对美国“破坏稳定”的禁毒努力升级的抵制。这些研究结果提出了关于非法经济背景下的安全、体制建设和发展的重要问题。这些问题在玻利维亚仍然很突出。该国仍然是古柯-可卡因的主要生产国，而且日益成为国际可卡因贸易的过境点。许多农村社区的收入仍然依赖非法经济;有组织犯罪和腐败阻碍了民主机构和法治的运作，该国东部不时爆发毒品暴力事件。放眼玻利维亚之外，地球仪其他地方也遇到了类似的（往往更为严重的）问题，从墨西哥卡特尔的暴力升级到阿富汗鸦片助长的冲突。我自己的研究涉及这些案例，为非法经济带来的发展挑战提供了强有力的见解。对这些进程进行分析对于制定更好的对策至关重要;使毒品贸易与这些国家脱钩，同时避免广泛的暴力、体制腐败和对不稳定生计的破坏。