Security Sector Reform and the Disfiguration of Local Security Landscapes: The Case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories

安全部门改革和当地安全格局的破坏：巴勒斯坦被占领土的案例

• 批准号: ES/T009071/1
• 负责人: Tahani Mustafa
• 金额: $ 12.9万
• 依托单位: London School of Economics and Political Science
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Fellowship
• 财政年份: 2019
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2019 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=ES%2FT009071%2F1
• 关键词: Security; Sector; Reform; Disfiguration; Local

A European brainchild, Security Sector Reform (SSR) and its derivative packaging of demobilized, demilitarized, reintegrated, rehabilitated and restructured security programming, illustrates the phenomenon of aid securitization in development. Its rationale is to motivate donors to go beyond mere capacity building of security forces and move towards entrenching principles of democratic governance and the rule of law. However, its operational success has been limited. Analysis seeking to improve its operational capability has largely focused on the discrepancy between concept and implementation. Yet while the current discourse on SSR acknowledges its political dimension, it has ignored its mutually constitutive and relational power implications. This project therefore, aims to offer a more comprehensive understanding of the preoccupation of SSR analysts and practitioners pertaining to the discrepancy between its stated policy objectives and the flawed outcomes actualized through its implementation. It does this by reorienting analysis within the realm of politics and critical scholarly engagement and away from its policy-oriented technocratic focus. This shift in the framework of analysis conceives of SSR as something more than just a mere political instrument to shape and implement specific policies or a rhetorical tool to justify their adoption. Instead of creating a centralized monopoly and hierarchy of violence, SSR instead creates oligopolies of violence that have often intensified societal fragmentation and the creation of new elites dependent upon outside actors. This occurs when objects of SSR interventions engage and seek to appropriate securitized development aid. New securitization configurations then emerge. This fracturing of securitization creates numerous local, regional and international groups and actors. As these actors emerge, their identification, modes of agency and power depend upon their positionality within an interconnected chain of interaction that significantly shapes the interests and agency of each of its interlocutors. This project, therefore, focuses on the ways in which SSR becomes a pivotal programmatic process in the political (re)construction of space, creating actors, structures and processes. The myriad ways in which its benefactors internalize and respond to these processes within the different spheres of socio-economic, political and geographical locales in which SSR is applied, produces the outcomes that run contrary to the paradigm's stated objectives. The implications of such modes of international assistance in conflict and post-conflict settings has become all the more pressing as SSR projects continue to expand across the Middle East and North Africa,- and where the consequences of SSR are so far only proving to worsen instability and fragmentation.The proposed research begins with expanding on the case of the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), which provides for an apt case study as the state-building project there has become synonymous with SSR and where the implementation of liberal rule is predicated on the reform of the security sector. SSR in the oPt has failed to achieve stability, instead catalyzing the further polarization of Palestinian politics and the division of the oPt into two separate political entities, one of which has been denied international recognition. SSR has created a paradox on the ground, whereby the Palestinian Authority and to a certain extent the de facto government of Hamas are in control of a territory, but not a territorial entity resembling a state in the Weberian sense. The research then moves to analysing similar unfolding processes in Yemen and Jordan, and establishes advanced data and network analysis models that will assist academics and practitioners in mapping out and understanding the dynamics of SSR projects and aiding their success.

安全部门改革是欧洲的一个创意，它及其衍生的复员、非军事化、重返社会、恢复和重组安全方案的一揽子方案，说明了发展中援助安全化的现象。其理由是要激励捐助者超越仅仅建设安全部队的能力，而走向巩固民主治理和法治的原则。然而，其业务成功有限。旨在提高其业务能力的分析主要集中在概念与执行之间的差异上。然而，虽然目前关于安全部门改革的讨论承认其政治层面，但却忽视了其相互构成和关系权力的影响。因此，本项目旨在更全面地了解安全部门改革分析人员和执行人员对所述政策目标与通过实施该政策而实际取得的有缺陷的成果之间的差异的关注。它通过在政治和批判性学术参与领域内重新定位分析，远离其政策导向的技术官僚焦点。分析框架的这一转变认为，安全部门改革不仅仅是制定和执行具体政策的政治工具，也不仅仅是为通过这些政策辩护的修辞工具。安全部门改革没有造成暴力的集中垄断和等级制度，而是造成暴力寡头垄断，这往往加剧社会分裂，并产生依赖外部行为体的新精英。当安全部门改革干预措施的对象参与并寻求适当的安全化发展援助时，就会出现这种情况。新的证券化配置随之出现。这种证券化的断裂产生了许多地方、区域和国际团体和行为体。随着这些行为者的出现，他们的身份、代理模式和权力取决于他们在一个相互关联的互动链中的地位，而这个互动链极大地影响着每一个对话者的利益和代理。因此，该项目侧重于安全部门改革如何成为空间政治（重建）建设中的一个关键方案进程，从而创建行为体、结构和进程。其捐助者在实施安全部门改革的社会经济、政治和地理区域的不同领域内以各种方式内化和应对这些进程，产生的结果与该模式的既定目标背道而驰。随着安全部门改革项目在中东和北非继续扩大，这种国际援助模式在冲突和冲突后环境中的影响变得更加紧迫-而安全部门改革的后果到目前为止只证明是加剧了不稳定和分裂。该报告提供了一个恰当的案例研究，因为那里的国家建设项目已成为安全部门改革的同义词，而在那里，实行自由统治的前提是安全部门的改革。被占领土的安全部门改革未能实现稳定，反而加剧了巴勒斯坦政治的进一步两极分化，将被占领土分裂为两个独立的政治实体，其中一个实体一直得不到国际承认。安全部门改革在当地造成了一种矛盾，即巴勒斯坦权力机构和在某种程度上事实上的哈马斯政府控制着一个领土，但不是一个类似于韦伯意义上的国家的领土实体。然后，研究转向分析也门和约旦的类似展开过程，并建立先进的数据和网络分析模型，以帮助学者和从业人员绘制和了解安全部门改革项目的动态，并帮助他们取得成功。