Fog in the Channel? The Impact of Brexit on the Transnational Relations of British Political Parties

我承担这个项目的最终目标是创建一个可能被英国政党和其他组织使用的应用政策框架，以建立、维持和加强与欧洲同行的跨国联系，特别是在英国和欧盟之间的持续谈判中。这将涉及大量的分类和量化工作，如下所述。首先，我将进行文献综述，以更好地了解现有的学术研究。很明显，在过去的几年里，有大量的学术著作以英国脱欧为主题。我将更深入地探讨欧洲政治跨国主义理论。这样，我就能描绘出从欧盟成立到现在的关系趋势。这可能包括对与世界事件有关的外交——或者实际上是关系强度——的定量认识。其次，我将建立一个框架（目前设想为应用政策框架的一个轴）来理解现有的组织“层次”。正如我在摘要中所展示的那样，我将这些级别划分为“微观”和“宏观”，尽管我希望这里存在大量必要的细微差别。通过对跨国政治环境中存在的各种组织进行分类，我将能够明确地识别每个“层次”的特征，以及它们相互合作的方式，以备将来参考。定性数据将主要以访谈和针对每个组织“层面”的过程监控的形式收集，我将在伦敦、布鲁塞尔和通过电话进行这些工作。这些面试将试图针对三个主要方面：网络建立、沟通过程和合作结果。英国脱欧将不可避免地有自己的篇章，尤其是在脱欧协议的机制如何帮助或教唆英国与欧盟政党的沟通方面。我希望看到关系动态的转变，这也可能是定量实现的。如果可行的话，我想预测这些动态在若干行动方针下可能如何流行；使用控制模型（不试图维持跨国政治关系）来说明英国利益相关者的趋势，这些利益相关者的机构或组织不相信维持关系的重要性。无论英国以何种方式离开欧盟——事实上，即使它不这样做——证据表明，跨国网络将受到影响。通过对组织的不同“层次”进行分类，并确定网络连接的关键阶段——形成、维持和解散——我们将能够更好地理解跨国合作的格局。

My ultimate goal in undertaking this project is to create an Applied Policy Framework that might be used by British political parties and other organisations in order to establish, maintain and strengthen transnational links with European counterparts, particularly amid continuing negotiations between the UK and the EU. This will involve a significant amount of classification and quantification work, as explained below. Firstly, I will conduct a literature review to better understand existing scholarship on the subject. It is clear that there has been, in the past couple of years, an abundance of academic writing undertaken on the topic of Brexit. I will look to dig deeper into the theory of European political transnationalism. In doing so, I will be able to map relationship trends from the formation of the EU to present. This might include a quantitative realisation of diplomacy - or indeed relationship strength - in relation to world events. Secondly, I will establish a framework (currently envisioned as one axis of the Applied Policy Framework) to understand existing organisational "levels." As demonstrated in my abstract, I have primitively grouped these levels as "micro" and "macro," though I expect there to be a significant amount of necessary nuance here. By classifying the various organisations that exist within the transnational political environment, I will be able to preeminently identify the characteristics of each "level," and indeed the ways in which they work for one another, for future reference.Qualitative data will be collected primarily in the form of interviews and process monitoring tailored to each organisational "level," which I will conduct in London, Brussels and over the phone. These interviews will attempt to target three main things: network establishment, communication processes, and cooperation outcomes. Brexit will have its own inevitable chapter, particularly in term of how the mechanics of the Withdrawal Agreement are aiding or abetting British communications with EU political parties. I expect to see a shift here in relational dynamics here, which again may be quantitatively realised. If feasible, I would like to forecast how these dynamics might prevail under a number of courses of action; using a control model (no attempt to maintain transnational political relations) to illustrate trends for British stakeholders whose institutions or organisations are unconvinced of the importance of relationship maintenance. In whatever way the United Kingdom leaves the EU - indeed, even if it doesn't - evidence suggests that transnational networks will suffer. By classifying different "levels" of organisation and identifying the key stages of a network link - formation, maintenance and dissolution - we will be able to forge a better understanding of transnational cooperation landscape.