'Freedom is not Enough' - The struggles for racial equality throughout the United States 1861-2005

“自由还不够”——1861-2005 年全美争取种族平等的斗争

• 批准号: AH/E505341/1
• 负责人: Stephen Tuck
• 金额: $ 3.4万
• 依托单位: University of Oxford
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Research Grant
• 财政年份: 2007
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2007 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=AH%2FE505341%2F1
• 关键词: Freedom; Enough; struggles; racial; equality

"I see the schools thrown open for the black child as for the white. I see black and white priests ministering together at the altars of religion ... I see everywhere respect for brains and worth, moral and material." William Howard Day, New York civil Rights activist, 1864."I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character." Martin Luther King, 1963.These two speeches were delivered a century apart, but expressed strikingly similar hopes. They remind us that the struggle for racial equality was not confined to the world famous movement associated with Martin Luther King. Indeed, that movement was not the culmination of protest, nor even the prototype of black protest in America. Rather, the struggle for racial equality was fought (and needed to be fought) with vigour across all parts of the United States and at all times.From emancipation to the present, black Americans have faced the challenge of making freedom real. In general, black Americans sought to build their own world, and resist those who interfered. But what this meant in practice varied dramatically across time and place. Different groups of black Americans had markedly different priorities and tactics. This project aims to interweave the many, often conflicting, stories of protest. In a sense it aims to be a wide-ranging peoples' history of civil rights protest, attentive to the diversity and complexity of the black experience in the United States.In doing so, this project will also reinterpret the history of black protest. Firstly, it shows the struggle for equality was fought across the United States, in the North and West as well as in the South. Secondly, it shows that the highest priority for most black men and women has been economic autonomy and security (and integration has been a goal only for a minority of African Americans). Thirdly, it will trace the changing nature and power of white supremacy, showing how white supremacy both constrained and at times united protest. Finally, the project will show that many of the more well-known moments of protest, not least the civil rights movement, represented the aspirations of elite black Americans that were ultimately acceptable to those holding power in U.S. society

“我看到学校对黑人孩子开放，就像对白人孩子一样。我看到黑人和白人牧师一起在宗教祭坛前做礼拜……我看到到处都是对智慧和价值、道德和物质的尊重。”威廉·霍华德·戴，纽约民权活动家（1864年）“我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将生活在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国家里。”马丁·路德·金，1963。这两篇演讲相隔一个世纪，但表达了惊人相似的希望。他们提醒我们，争取种族平等的斗争并不局限于与马丁·路德·金有关的世界著名运动。事实上，那场运动并不是抗议的高潮，甚至也不是美国黑人抗议的原型。相反，争取种族平等的斗争在美国各地、在任何时候都是充满活力的（而且需要进行的）。从解放运动到现在，美国黑人一直面临着实现自由的挑战。总的来说，美国黑人寻求建立自己的世界，抵制那些干涉他们的人。但在实践中，这意味着在不同的时间和地点有很大的不同。不同的美国黑人群体有明显不同的优先事项和策略。这个项目旨在将许多经常相互冲突的抗议故事交织在一起。从某种意义上说，它旨在成为一个广泛的民族民权抗议的历史，关注美国黑人经历的多样性和复杂性。在此过程中，这个项目也将重新诠释黑人抗议的历史。首先，它显示了争取平等的斗争在美国各地进行，在北部和西部以及在南部。其次，它表明大多数黑人男女最优先考虑的是经济自主和安全（只有少数非洲裔美国人的目标是融入社会）。第三，它将追溯白人至上主义的性质和力量的变化，展示白人至上主义是如何限制抗议活动的，有时又会团结抗议活动。最后，该项目将展示许多更著名的抗议时刻，尤其是民权运动，代表了美国黑人精英的愿望，这些愿望最终被美国社会的掌权者所接受