The subject clitics of Chipaya: A pragmatic approach
The subject clitics of Chipaya: A pragmatic approach
批准号:
370858026
负责人:
Dr. Katja Hannß
金额:
$0.0万
依托单位国家:
德国
项目类别:
Research Grants
财政年份:
2017
资助国家:
德国
项目状态:
已结题
起止时间:
2016-12-31 至 2019-12-31
中文摘要
拟建项目将关注奇帕亚语主题词的语用和句法分布。奇帕亚语是玻利维亚的一种孤立语言,只有大约1800人使用。奇帕亚人的主题评论是特殊的评论,不是强制性的。奇帕亚语有两种类型的clitic结构:(1)clitic double,即主语clitic与共同指称的主语名词或代词一起出现;(2)没有共同指称的主名词或代词的单一词。申请人区分了词汇加倍和回指加倍:在词汇加倍中,被加倍的主语用词汇名词短语表示,而在回指加倍中,主语是代词。第一人称和第二人称主语指涉的Clitic double是回指。第三人称主语指涉物可以用名词或代词表示。在这里,我们必须区分词汇和回指双重。在奇帕亚语中,主语指涉物(除了第一人称单数和复数排他外)只在某些时态中与动词交叉指涉。因此,单一的clitic可能是索引主题所指的唯一手段。奇帕亚语主语的句法行为尚不清楚。Cerrón-Palomino(2006: 172-175)建议将奇帕亚主题政治分析为“浮动”和“聚焦”它们的宿主。作者还指出,主语代词可以附在主语代词上。与此相反,申请人发现主题评论家似乎至少有部分固定的立场。此外,第一人称和第二人称的主语代词从不跟在主语代词后面。总的来说,奇帕亚语主语的语用和句法使用并没有得到很好的理解。因此,本研究的目的是详细探讨奇帕亚语主语从句的语用和句法分布。假设奇帕亚语的语用分布与主语指称物的激活和可识别性有关。在句法分布上,申请人建议奇帕亚语主语从句遵循否定从句中的否定助词。在非否定从句中,第一人称和第二人称的主语默认附在宾语后,第三人称的主语紧随在主语后。这些假设将在拟议的项目中进行检验。参考“激活”和“可识别性”这两个术语,采用“参考距离”这一因素来研究语用分布。全新的主体指涉物将根据其确定性和特异性进行研究。申请人将调查奇帕亚语主语短语是否优选出现在除了第一人称单数和复数动词之外不交叉引用主语的那些时态中。句法分布的考察要考虑状语从句本身、主语和句子类型。
英文摘要
The proposed project will be concerned with the pragmatic and syntactic distribution of the Chipaya subject clitics. Chipaya is a language isolate of Bolivia, spoken only by approximately 1,800 speakers. The Chipaya subject clitics are special clitics and not obligatory. Chipaya has two types of clitic constructions: (1) clitic doubling in which the subject clitic occurs with a co-referential subject noun or pronoun; (2) single clitics without a co-referential subject noun or pronoun. The applicant distinguishes between lexical and anaphoric doubling: in lexical doubling, the doubled subject is represented by a lexical noun phrase, while in anaphoric doubling, the subject is a pronoun. Clitic doubling with first and second person subject referents is anaphoric. Third person subject referents are expressed by either a noun or a pronoun. Here, one has to distinguish between lexical and anaphoric doubling. In Chipaya, a subject referent (other than a first person singular and plural exclusive) is cross-referenced on the verb only in some tenses. A single clitic may thus be the only means to index the subject referent. The syntactic behaviour of the Chipaya subject clitics is unclear. Cerrón-Palomino (2006: 172-175) suggests analysing the Chipaya subject clitics as 'floating' and 'focalising' their host. The author also states that the subject clitics can attach to the subject pronoun. In contrast, the applicant finds that the subject clitics appear to have -at least partly- fixed positions. Moreover, the subject clitics of a first and second person never follow the subject pronoun. In general, the pragmatic and syntactic use of the Chipaya subject clitics is not well understood. Accordingly, it is the aim of the proposed study to investigate the pragmatic and syntactic distribution of the Chipaya subject clitics in detail. It is hypothesised that the pragmatic distribution of the Chipaya subject clitics relates to activation and identifiability of the subject referent. With respect to the syntactic distribution, the applicant suggests that the Chipaya subject clitics follow the negation particle in negative clauses. In non-negative clauses, the subject clitics of a first and second person attach to the object argument as a default, while the subject clitics of a third person follow the subject argument. These hypotheses are to be tested in the proposed project. The pragmatic distribution will be investigated with reference to the terms of 'activation' and 'identifiability', employing the factor of '[r]eferential distance'. Brand-new subject referents will be examined with respect to definiteness and specificity. The applicant will investigate whether the Chipaya subject clitics occur preferably in those tenses that do not cross-reference a subject other than a first person singular and plural exclusive on the verb. The investigation of the syntactic distribution will consider the clitic construction itself, the host and the sentence type.
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会议论文
Word formation in Kallawaya: nominal compounding and noun incorporation
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批准号:218063607
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项目类别:Research Grants
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资助金额:$0.0万
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财政年份:2012
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负责人:Dr. Katja Hannß
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依托单位:
海外基金