Fog in the Channel? The Impact of Brexit on the Transnational Relations of British Political Parties

我从事这个项目的最终目标是创建一个应用政策框架，英国政党和其他组织可能会使用该框架，以建立、维持和加强与欧洲同行的跨国联系，特别是在英国和欧盟之间持续谈判的情况下。这将涉及大量的分类和量化工作，如下所述。首先，我将对文献进行回顾，以更好地了解现有的这一主题的学术研究。很明显，在过去几年里，有大量关于英国退欧话题的学术著作。我将寻求更深入地挖掘欧洲政治跨民族主义的理论。通过这样做，我将能够绘制出从欧盟成立到现在的关系趋势。这可能包括量化实现外交--甚至是关系实力--与世界事件的关系。其次，我将建立一个框架(目前被设想为应用政策框架的一个轴)，以了解现有的组织“层次”。正如我在摘要中所展示的，我初步将这些级别分为“微观”和“宏观”，尽管我预计这里会有大量必要的细微差别。通过对跨国政治环境中存在的各种组织进行分类，我将能够突出地确定每个“级别”的特征，甚至它们相互工作的方式，以供将来参考。定性数据将主要通过访谈和为每个组织“级别”量身定做的过程监控的形式收集，我将在伦敦、布鲁塞尔和电话中进行这一工作。这些访谈将试图针对三个主要方面：网络建立、沟通过程和合作成果。英国退欧将有其不可避免的篇章，特别是在退出协议的机制如何帮助或教唆英国与欧盟政党进行沟通方面。我预计在这里将看到关系动力学的转变，这可能再次在数量上实现。如果可行，我想预测在一系列行动方案下，这些动态可能会如何占上风；使用一个控制模型(不试图维持跨国政治关系)，为那些机构或组织不相信维持关系的重要性的英国利益相关者说明趋势。无论英国以何种方式离开欧盟--事实上，即使它不退出--有证据表明，跨国网络将受到影响。通过对组织的不同“层次”进行分类，并确定网络链接的关键阶段--形成、维护和解散--我们将能够对跨国合作格局有更好的理解。

My ultimate goal in undertaking this project is to create an Applied Policy Framework that might be used by British political parties and other organisations in order to establish, maintain and strengthen transnational links with European counterparts, particularly amid continuing negotiations between the UK and the EU. This will involve a significant amount of classification and quantification work, as explained below. Firstly, I will conduct a literature review to better understand existing scholarship on the subject. It is clear that there has been, in the past couple of years, an abundance of academic writing undertaken on the topic of Brexit. I will look to dig deeper into the theory of European political transnationalism. In doing so, I will be able to map relationship trends from the formation of the EU to present. This might include a quantitative realisation of diplomacy - or indeed relationship strength - in relation to world events. Secondly, I will establish a framework (currently envisioned as one axis of the Applied Policy Framework) to understand existing organisational "levels." As demonstrated in my abstract, I have primitively grouped these levels as "micro" and "macro," though I expect there to be a significant amount of necessary nuance here. By classifying the various organisations that exist within the transnational political environment, I will be able to preeminently identify the characteristics of each "level," and indeed the ways in which they work for one another, for future reference.Qualitative data will be collected primarily in the form of interviews and process monitoring tailored to each organisational "level," which I will conduct in London, Brussels and over the phone. These interviews will attempt to target three main things: network establishment, communication processes, and cooperation outcomes. Brexit will have its own inevitable chapter, particularly in term of how the mechanics of the Withdrawal Agreement are aiding or abetting British communications with EU political parties. I expect to see a shift here in relational dynamics here, which again may be quantitatively realised. If feasible, I would like to forecast how these dynamics might prevail under a number of courses of action; using a control model (no attempt to maintain transnational political relations) to illustrate trends for British stakeholders whose institutions or organisations are unconvinced of the importance of relationship maintenance. In whatever way the United Kingdom leaves the EU - indeed, even if it doesn't - evidence suggests that transnational networks will suffer. By classifying different "levels" of organisation and identifying the key stages of a network link - formation, maintenance and dissolution - we will be able to forge a better understanding of transnational cooperation landscape.