Moving beyond consensus: to what extent does compulsory RSE teaching use dialogue to address the concerns of different minoritized groups?

从2020/21学年起，关系和性教育（RSE）成为英国中学的必修课。该指南指示学校尊重9个“受保护的特征”，包括宗教，性别，种族和对关系和性别持冲突观点的群体的性取向。类似的政策，如加拿大的性课程安大略，最近引起了强烈的反弹，这不仅是因为青年性行为的两极分化，而且也是因为自由主义价值观与来自非西方世界的新移民的价值观不相容。如何在英国的课堂上实现新的RSE指导的目标是未知的，为了理解身份类别的构成方式和关于性的话语在课堂上是不稳定的，我将观察涉及RSE的课程教学。这些观察将发生在5个非宗教的国家中学，包括学校服务主要是宗教社区旁边的学校，大多数非宗教学生。为了了解教师如何处理和经验的责任，要注意保护的特点时，教RSE，我也将参加半结构化的采访教师。这将使我们能够相对开放和深入地探讨教师认为最大的挑战和机遇是什么。性少数群体和宗教少数群体在讨论关系和性方面都面临不平等。例如，那些被认定为LGBT+的人在RSE中经历了擦除，而宗教少数群体往往被描绘成不容忍或同性恋恐惧症。本研究探讨了身份类别在课堂上的构成方式。它质疑RSE教学法的范围，这种教学法打破了性别和宗教少数群体面临的不平等。在为信仰社区服务的学校工作的教师已经对RSE采取了一系列方法，缺乏信心导致一些教师在学生自己提出LGBT+问题时关闭了“可教时刻”。一些教师将这种关闭归因于对宗教家长谴责的担忧。由于类似的担忧，其他人也试图“潜入”LGBT+包容性书籍。为宗教团体服务的教师的经历与为大多数非宗教团体服务的教师的经历有多大的不同尚不清楚。基于主观化和权力的概念，并注意到性别和宗教少数群体之间的交叉不平等，教育领域的学者（Youdell，2011; Vincent，2020）已经将Ernesto Laclau和Chantal Mouffe（2001）的竞争多元化概念作为考虑课堂政治的框架。他们认为，可以在不同构成的身份类别中识别“等同链”（Youdell，2011：29）。因此，不同的群体能够保持自己的优先事项，同时集体扰乱对他们每个人都不利的霸权。这一框架可以应用于实证性和宗教少数群体之间的相互作用。这项研究具有很强的现实意义，在伯明翰小学外，家长和活动家（其中大多数人被认为是穆斯林）举行了公开抗议活动，质疑后者对LGBT+生活和关系的教学。在英格兰所有学校引入法定指导进一步增加了这个问题的紧迫性。

Relationships and sex education (RSE) became mandatory in English secondary schools from the 2020/21 academic year. The guidance instructs schools to respect nine 'protected characteristics' including religion, sex, race and sexual orientation of groups holding conflicting views on relationships and sex. Similar policies, such as Ontario, Canada's sexualities curriculum, have recently led to backlash drawing on polarising discourses of not only youth sexuality but also the incompatibility of liberal values and those of recent immigrants from the non-Western world. How the aims of the new RSE guidance might be achieved in England's classrooms is as yet unknown.With a view to understanding the way that identity categories are constituted and discourses about sexuality are unsettled in the classroom, I will observe the teaching of lessons involving RSE. These observations will take place in 5 non-religious state secondary schools to include schools serving largely faith communities alongside schools with mostly non-religious pupils.In order to understand how teachers approach and experience the responsibility to be attentive to protected characteristics when teaching RSE, I will also take part in semi-structured interviews with teachers. This will allow for a relatively open and in-depth exploration of what teachers consider to be the biggest challenges and opportunities.Both sexual and religious minorities face inequalities related to discussions of relationships and sex. Those identified as LGBT+, for example, experience erasure in RSE, while religious minorities are often portrayed as intolerant or homophobic. This research interrogates the ways in which identity categories are constituted in the classroom. It questions the scope for an RSE pedagogy which disrupts inequalities faced by both sexual and religious minorities.This research recognises that the guidance asks a lot of teachers. Already, teachers working in schools serving faith-based communities have taken a range of approaches to RSE and a lack of confidence has led some teachers to close down 'teachable moments' when pupils raise LGBT+ queries themselves. Some teachers attribute this closing down to concerns about censure from religious parents. Others have attempted to 'creep in' LGBT+ inclusivebooks due to similar concerns. The extent to which teachers serving faith communities' experiences differ from those of teachers serving mostly non-religious communities is unclear.Building on the concepts of subjectivation and power, and noting intersecting inequalities across sexual and religious minorities, scholars in the field of education (Youdell, 2011; Vincent, 2020) have looked to Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's (2001) concept of agonistic pluralism as a framework for considering the politics of the classroom. They suggest that 'chains of equivalence' can be identified across differently constituted identity categories (Youdell, 2011: 29). As such, different groups are able to maintain their own priorities while collectively troubling the hegemony that disadvantages each of them. This framework can be applied empirically to consider the interactions between sexual and religious minorities.This research has strong practical significance in the wake of well-publicised protests staged by parents and activists, most of whom identified as Muslims, outside Birmingham primary schools contesting the latter's teaching of LGBT+ lives and relationships. The introduction of statutory guidance across all schools in England further increases the urgency of the issue.