Ireland and the 'ends' of the British Empire, 1886 to the present

这个FLF是由一个重要的研究问题驱动的：爱尔兰是不是像它创造大英帝国那样，是一个‘目的’的实验室(Ohlmeyer；Kenny)？为了回答这个问题，这个项目采取了全球跨学科的方法，由一个横跨历史、政治学、国际关系、公共政策、媒体和创意艺术的合作团队组成。这个团队将考虑政策制定者和那些实施政策的人，反殖民活动人士，爱尔兰定居者和散居国外的人，以及国际主义的支持者，如何处理大英帝国内部的爱尔兰问题，以及这些互动的遗产如何塑造帝国制度的“目的”。该项目的部分创新取决于考虑精英，如殖民行政人员和政策制定者，以及那些想法和活动促成非殖民化的活动人士。这些团体很少相互交谈。他们今天也没有与公共政策实践者讨论，他们1)寻求利用过去的教训来裁决未来的政策，2)管理英国退欧后支离破碎的英国-爱尔兰格局，对北爱尔兰产生影响，3)制定政策，在不同的国家背景下处理帝国的遗产。第一个主要工作方案重建了政策和政策制定者的全球历史，他们在爱尔兰事务上的工作和为爱尔兰制定“解决方案”的经验塑造了巴勒斯坦、肯尼亚、印度和英联邦的帝国统治的实施。第二个工作包以全球视角看待反殖民激进主义，使用爱尔兰人作为结缔组织。发展泛非民族主义的大西洋黑人知识分子寄望于爱尔兰，以了解爱尔兰民族主义的成功、失败和背景差异，塑造了泛非思想和运动，如加尔韦伊主义(Getachew)。印度和牙买加的活动人士采用了以爱尔兰模式为基础的政党名称、事业和议程，包括“印度自治”、Swaraj和模仿爱尔兰共和党新芬党(Sinn Féin)的“我们自己的”运动。‘我们独自一人’(奥马利)。第三和第四个一揽子计划涉及第一次世界大战期间和之后不断变化的地缘政治环境的各个方面。他们探讨了爱尔兰和白领地内部高层散居的爱尔兰选民如何放松了与伦敦的关系，而爱尔兰和美国的其他选民则利用国际话语和组织(如国际联盟)游说塑造和瓦解帝国。使用音乐、文学、诗歌和电影进行反殖民抵抗的“文化”机制将在5-7年级学习。虽然没有非殖民化的“多米诺骨牌效应”，但这个项目遵循达尔文(2009)的主张，即帝国的各种军事、经济、家庭、意识形态和文化组成部分在不同的时间‘结束’，并对戏剧性的变化做出反应。我的论点是，爱尔兰人在实践上、比喻上和意识形态上都与他们有关。实证研究补充了与非学术合作伙伴共同设计的一系列知识交流活动，从一开始就会就学术研究的设计征求他们的意见。这些伙伴关系将通过教育、公共政策和广播电视三个领域的一系列研讨会，为其他合作小组提出可转让的建议。此外，它还将提供具体项目的产出，包括一部图画小说和《我的世界》电脑游戏(神经中心)、公共政策文件(班尼特研究所、历史和政策研究所、国际和欧洲事务研究所)和一部电视纪录片系列(MIDAS)。适时的政治气候，随着关于北爱尔兰议定书的持续辩论和黑人生命也是关于帝国的讨论的复苏，已经成熟，可以帮助知识交流和理解，以及“复原力”和“和解”。

This FLF is driven by an overarching research question: was Ireland a laboratory for the 'ends' of the British Empire as much as it was for its creation (Ohlmeyer; Kenny)?To answer it, this project takes a global, interdisciplinary approach with a collaborative team situated across History, Political Science, International Relations, Public Policy, media, and the creative arts. This team will consider how policymakers and those who implemented policy, anti-colonial activists, Irish settlers and diasporas, and proponents of internationalism, approached the question of Ireland within the British Empire, and how the legacies of those interactions shaped the 'ends' of the Empire system.Part of this project's innovation rests on considering elites, such as colonial administrators and policymakers, alongside activists whose ideas and activities contributed to decolonisation. These groups are rarely in conversation with each other. Nor are they in discussion with public policy practitioners today, who 1) seek to use lessons from the past to adjudicate on future policy 2) manage a fractured post-Brexit British-Irish landscape, with consequences for Northern Ireland, and 3) devise policies to deal with the legacies of the Empire in different national contexts.The first major work package reconstructs a global history of policies and policymakers whose experience working on Irish affairs and drawing 'solutions' for Ireland shaped the exercise of imperial rule in Palestine, Kenya, India, and the construction of the Commonwealth. The second work package takes a global view of anti-colonial activism using the Irish as connective tissue. Black Atlantic intellectuals developing pan-African nationalism looked to Ireland to understand Irish nationalist successes, failures, and contextual differences, shaping pan-African ideas and movements such as Garveyism (Getachew). Indian and Jamaican activists adopted party names, causes and agendas based on Irish models, including 'Home Rule for India', swaraj, and the 'Our Own' movement, modelled on Irish republican party, Sinn Féin, trans. 'Ourselves Alone'(O'Malley). The third and fourth packages address aspects of the changing geopolitical environment during and after the First World War. They explore how diasporic Irish constituencies at senior levels within Ireland and the White Dominions loosened ties from London, while others in Ireland and the USA lobbied for the shaping and breaking of empire using international discourses and organisations, such as the League of Nations. The 'cultural' mechanisms of anti-colonial resistance using music, literature, poetry, and film will be explored in years 5-7. While there was no 'domino effect' of decolonisation, this project follows Darwin (2009) in his claim that the various military, economic, familial, ideological, and cultural components of empire 'ended' at different times and were responsive to dramatically evolving contexts. And my contention is that the Irish were practically, figuratively, and ideologically implicated in them all.The empirical study complements a series of co-designed knowledge exchange activities with non-academic partners, who will be consulted on the design of the academic research from the outset. The partnerships will produce transferable recommendations for other collaborative groups via a series of workshops in three areas: education, public policy, and broadcast TV. In addition, it will deliver project-specific outputs including a graphic novel and Minecraft world computer game (the Nerve Centre), public policy papers (the Bennett Institute, History and Policy, Institute for International and European Affairs), and a TV documentary series (Midas). The timely political climate, with ongoing debates over the Northern Ireland Protocol and Black Lives Matter reviving discussions on empire, is ripe for aiding knowledge exchange and understanding, as well as 'resilience' and 'reconciliation'.