Regional policy-making in Conservative England (2010-2019): the role of institutional and political factors
保守英格兰的区域政策制定(2010-2019):制度和政治因素的作用
基本信息
- 批准号:2436191
- 负责人:
- 金额:--
- 依托单位:
- 依托单位国家:英国
- 项目类别:Studentship
- 财政年份:2020
- 资助国家:英国
- 起止时间:2020 至 无数据
- 项目状态:未结题
- 来源:
- 关键词:
项目摘要
This research sets out to examine the policy process of developing and implementing regional policies in Conservative England between 2010 and 2019. Historically, regional policy in the UK has been closely aligned with the objective of boosting economic output in areas with consistently sub-average levels of productivity. However, such initiatives are rarely undertaken with the sole objective of unlocking spare capacity. As the distance widens between stronger and weaker geographies, it is argued this has both economic and social implications for disparities within the UK, ranging from job prospects to educational opportunity and health outcomes. Moreover, these disparities are politically significant due to their inevitable effect on the electoral landscape. Despite a variety of regional policy interventions during the decade, Britain's economy remains persistently reliant on London and the South East driving growth and providing a fiscal surplus. In the 2019 British General Election, the Conservative party made 'levelling-up' a central theme of their successful campaign, thereby ironically alluding to the failure of previous Conservative ministries to adequately address the issue.Analysis of how regional policies between 2010 and 2019 have failed to address systemic imbalances in the economy are well rehearsed; but far less so, why this is the case. This research aims to advance our understanding on why regional policy was largely ineffective during this period by studying institutional and political factors. The research will focus on three key aspects of regional policy during the period: the creation and establishment of Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) in 2011; the launch of the 'Northern Powerhouse' in 2014; and the shift in regional policy characterised by the 'Industrial Strategy' under Theresa May in 2016. The project is inherently interdisciplinary, drawing on economic analysis, historical method and political science. Given the spatial context of the research, it is also fundamentally geographical in its significance. The research approach will be mixed-method. It will primarily apply qualitative methods but will also use quantitative research methods.This research is important for a number of reasons. First, it will provide important analysis on understanding how a range of institutional factors and political actors affect regional policy. The relevance of findings will extend beyond merely the period considered. It will shed light on how central Government is influenced, and by what, when both formulating and co-ordinating regional policy interventions. This is particularly pertinent given widening economic and social disparity within the country amidst the coronavirus pandemic. Further regional interventions and industrial strategies are likely in the coming decade in light of this. The implications from this research will therefore be significant. Second, analysis of regional policy interventions between 2010-19, the Northern Powerhouse and Industrial Strategy have tended to focus on economic shortcomings ahead of historical analysis exploring the reasons for policy failure. This research will bring new understanding to the role of institutions and party political pressures, in the form of elections and ideologies, on why regional interventions have failed to revert the trend of widening economic disparity. Third, the paper will extend historical thinking on the role of politically appointed special advisors in the formulation of economic policy, chiefly by focussing on Rupert Harrison during Cameron's first ministry, and Nick Timothy during May's first ministry. In addition to being of interest for a range of academic fields (Public Policy, Political History, Economics, Geography), this research will be of use to practitioners and policy-makers, particular LEPs and central Government.
本研究旨在研究2010年至2019年保守党英格兰制定和实施区域政策的政策过程。从历史上看,英国的区域政策一直与提高生产率一直低于平均水平的地区的经济产出的目标密切相关。然而,采取这种举措的唯一目的很少是释放闲置能力。随着较强和较弱地区之间的距离扩大,有人认为这对英国内部的差异产生了经济和社会影响,从就业前景到教育机会和健康结果。此外,这些差异具有政治意义,因为它们不可避免地对选举格局产生影响。尽管在这十年中进行了各种区域政策干预,但英国经济仍然持续依赖伦敦和东南部地区推动增长并提供财政盈余。在2019年英国大选中,保守党将“拉平”作为其成功竞选的核心主题,从而讽刺地暗示了之前保守党各部未能充分解决这一问题。关于2010年至2019年期间地区政策如何未能解决经济中的系统性失衡的分析已经很好地排练过了;但远没有那么多,为什么会这样。本研究旨在通过研究制度和政治因素,加深我们对这一时期区域政策在很大程度上无效的理解。该研究将集中在这一时期区域政策的三个关键方面:2011年创建和建立地方企业伙伴关系(LEPs); 2014年推出“北方发电站”;以及2016年特里萨·梅领导下的“工业战略”为特征的区域政策转变。该项目本质上是跨学科的,借鉴了经济分析,历史方法和政治科学。考虑到研究的空间背景,它也具有基本的地理意义。研究方法将是混合方法。它将主要采用定性方法,但也将采用定量研究方法。首先,它将提供重要的分析,以了解一系列制度因素和政治行为体如何影响区域政策。调查结果的相关性将不仅仅局限于所审议的时期。它将阐明中央政府在制定和协调区域政策干预措施时如何受到影响,以及受到什么影响。鉴于国内经济及社会差距在冠状病毒大流行期间不断扩大,这一点尤为重要。有鉴于此,今后十年可能会采取进一步的区域干预措施和工业战略。因此,这项研究的意义将是重大的。第二,分析2010- 2019年间的区域政策干预,北方强国和产业战略都倾向于先关注经济短板,再进行历史分析,探究政策失败的原因。这项研究将带来新的理解的机构和政党的政治压力,在选举和意识形态的形式,为什么区域干预未能扭转扩大经济差距的趋势的作用。第三,本文将扩展对政治任命的特别顾问在经济政策制定中的作用的历史思考,主要是通过关注卡梅隆第一次内阁期间的鲁珀特哈里森和五月第一次内阁期间的尼克蒂莫西。除了对一系列学术领域(公共政策,政治史,经济学,地理学)感兴趣之外,这项研究还将对从业者和政策制定者,特别是LEP和中央政府有用。
项目成果
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其他文献
吉治仁志 他: "トランスジェニックマウスによるTIMP-1の線維化促進機序"最新医学. 55. 1781-1787 (2000)
Hitoshi Yoshiji 等:“转基因小鼠中 TIMP-1 的促纤维化机制”现代医学 55. 1781-1787 (2000)。
- DOI:
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LiDAR Implementations for Autonomous Vehicle Applications
- DOI:
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2021 - 期刊:
- 影响因子:0
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吉治仁志 他: "イラスト医学&サイエンスシリーズ血管の分子医学"羊土社(渋谷正史編). 125 (2000)
Hitoshi Yoshiji 等人:“血管医学与科学系列分子医学图解”Yodosha(涉谷正志编辑)125(2000)。
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Effect of manidipine hydrochloride,a calcium antagonist,on isoproterenol-induced left ventricular hypertrophy: "Yoshiyama,M.,Takeuchi,K.,Kim,S.,Hanatani,A.,Omura,T.,Toda,I.,Akioka,K.,Teragaki,M.,Iwao,H.and Yoshikawa,J." Jpn Circ J. 62(1). 47-52 (1998)
钙拮抗剂盐酸马尼地平对异丙肾上腺素引起的左心室肥厚的影响:“Yoshiyama,M.,Takeuchi,K.,Kim,S.,Hanatani,A.,Omura,T.,Toda,I.,Akioka,
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