Moving beyond consensus: to what extent does compulsory RSE teaching use dialogue to address the concerns of different minoritized groups?

从2020/21学年开始，关系和性教育(RSE)成为英国中学的必修课。该指南指导学校尊重对人际关系和性持有不同观点的群体的宗教、性别、种族和性取向等九个受保护的特征。类似的政策，如加拿大的安大略省的性课程，最近引发了强烈反对，不仅涉及年轻人的性取向，还涉及自由主义价值观与来自非西方世界的新移民的不相容。如何在英国的课堂上实现新的RSE指南的目标尚不清楚。为了了解身份类别的构成方式，以及关于性的话语在课堂上不稳定的方式，我将观察涉及RSE的课程的教学。这些观察将在5所非宗教公立中学进行，其中包括主要服务于宗教社区的学校，以及主要是非宗教学生的学校。为了了解教师在教授RSE时如何处理和体验关注受保护特征的责任，我还将参加对教师的半结构化访谈。这将允许对教师认为最大的挑战和机会进行相对开放和深入的探索。性少数群体和宗教少数群体都面临与讨论关系和性有关的不平等。例如，那些被确认为LGBT+的人在RSE中经历了抹去，而宗教少数群体往往被描绘成不宽容或仇视同性恋。本研究对课堂中同一性类别的构成方式进行了探讨。它质疑RSE教学法的范围，这种教学法打破了性别和宗教少数群体面临的不平等。这项研究承认，这种指导要求很多老师。在服务于宗教社区的学校工作的教师已经采取了一系列方法来应对RSE，由于缺乏信心，一些教师在学生提出LGBT+问题时关闭了“可教时刻”。一些教师将这种关闭归因于对宗教父母的谴责的担忧。出于类似的担忧，其他人也试图在LGBT+收录书中“爬行”。以主观化和权力的概念为基础，并注意到性别和宗教少数群体之间相互交错的不平等现象，教育领域的学者(Youdell，2011；文森特，2020)将Ernesto Laclau和Chantal Mouffe(2001)的激进性多元主义概念作为考虑课堂政治的框架。他们提出，可以在不同构成的身份类别中识别“等价链”(Youdell，2011：29)。因此，不同的群体能够保持自己的优先事项，同时共同扰乱对它们各自不利的霸权。这一框架可以用于经验性和宗教少数群体之间的互动。这项研究具有很强的现实意义，因为家长和活动家在伯明翰小学外举行了广为人知的抗议活动，反对后者教授LGBT+生活和人际关系。在英格兰所有学校引入法律指导进一步增加了这一问题的紧迫性。

Relationships and sex education (RSE) became mandatory in English secondary schools from the 2020/21 academic year. The guidance instructs schools to respect nine 'protected characteristics' including religion, sex, race and sexual orientation of groups holding conflicting views on relationships and sex. Similar policies, such as Ontario, Canada's sexualities curriculum, have recently led to backlash drawing on polarising discourses of not only youth sexuality but also the incompatibility of liberal values and those of recent immigrants from the non-Western world. How the aims of the new RSE guidance might be achieved in England's classrooms is as yet unknown.With a view to understanding the way that identity categories are constituted and discourses about sexuality are unsettled in the classroom, I will observe the teaching of lessons involving RSE. These observations will take place in 5 non-religious state secondary schools to include schools serving largely faith communities alongside schools with mostly non-religious pupils.In order to understand how teachers approach and experience the responsibility to be attentive to protected characteristics when teaching RSE, I will also take part in semi-structured interviews with teachers. This will allow for a relatively open and in-depth exploration of what teachers consider to be the biggest challenges and opportunities.Both sexual and religious minorities face inequalities related to discussions of relationships and sex. Those identified as LGBT+, for example, experience erasure in RSE, while religious minorities are often portrayed as intolerant or homophobic. This research interrogates the ways in which identity categories are constituted in the classroom. It questions the scope for an RSE pedagogy which disrupts inequalities faced by both sexual and religious minorities.This research recognises that the guidance asks a lot of teachers. Already, teachers working in schools serving faith-based communities have taken a range of approaches to RSE and a lack of confidence has led some teachers to close down 'teachable moments' when pupils raise LGBT+ queries themselves. Some teachers attribute this closing down to concerns about censure from religious parents. Others have attempted to 'creep in' LGBT+ inclusivebooks due to similar concerns. The extent to which teachers serving faith communities' experiences differ from those of teachers serving mostly non-religious communities is unclear.Building on the concepts of subjectivation and power, and noting intersecting inequalities across sexual and religious minorities, scholars in the field of education (Youdell, 2011; Vincent, 2020) have looked to Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's (2001) concept of agonistic pluralism as a framework for considering the politics of the classroom. They suggest that 'chains of equivalence' can be identified across differently constituted identity categories (Youdell, 2011: 29). As such, different groups are able to maintain their own priorities while collectively troubling the hegemony that disadvantages each of them. This framework can be applied empirically to consider the interactions between sexual and religious minorities.This research has strong practical significance in the wake of well-publicised protests staged by parents and activists, most of whom identified as Muslims, outside Birmingham primary schools contesting the latter's teaching of LGBT+ lives and relationships. The introduction of statutory guidance across all schools in England further increases the urgency of the issue.