The Scots and the 'Protestant International', c.1680-c.1748

这个项目探讨了苏格兰与欧洲新教徒之间的关系广泛的恢复后期和最后的詹姆斯党人崛起的结束，以调查苏格兰人在多大程度上认为自己是欧洲联盟的一部分，共同宗教，这对他们的集体记忆，政治，民族认同和外国关系有什么影响。它解决了一些问题，如一个独立的苏格兰长老会在联盟后的外交前景的连续性，并侧重于苏格兰汉诺威王朝，苏格兰汉诺威外交官在欧洲，苏格兰在欧洲联盟，和柯克与欧洲新教徒的接触。广泛的“新教国际意识”的建议提出了苏格兰历史上最重要的问题，在其最形成的时期之一。对长老会的迫害在多大程度上被解释为欧洲范围内的战争的一部分？反詹姆斯党人是否将詹姆斯党人的起义视为国际忏悔战争的前线，特别是当欧洲军队抵达苏格兰时？人们很难想象辉格-长老会联盟党是詹姆斯二世-爱国者诗歌中的“流氓包裹”，如果他们真的相信国际上对一个被围困的宗教的捍卫胜过苏格兰主权的话。反统一主义者如何看待和部署新教国际主义？汉诺威的主题，长老会，记忆和宗教争议都收到了新的角度，这一新的重点。连同一个新的透镜，以更好地践踏地面，大道进入较少探索的领域被打开。一个是许多未被充分研究的苏格兰人，如莱文、福法尔、斯泰尔和海因福德，他们都是重要新教盟友的大使，他们的信念将通过他们的文件和信件以及他们指定的欧洲法院进行研究。苏格兰柯克如何深入地继续参与国际领域，以及它如何概念化世界事务，也将被调查。这一论述是否表明，尽管苏格兰可能已被归入英国，但其长老会仍保持着独特的欧洲视角、身份和与“新教国际”的关系，从而在联盟内部保持着独特感？这个项目有助于最近的一系列辩论。它挑战的论点，一个单一的新教身份编织的王国一起对欧洲的“其他”，处理帝国为中心的史学和支持我们的十八世纪苏格兰辉格主义的理解的发展。同样，假设不存在流行的苏格兰汉诺威将通过国际忏悔意识的角度进行审查。最终，它确保了苏格兰在不断增长的新教国际主义著作中的地位，从汤普森和克莱顿关于英格兰的著作，到特里姆和Onnekink关于胡格诺派的著作。作为生命力的柯克的政治领域最近被有力地重申，其来源采取重大的重要性。大会和当地长老会的记录至关重要。伯勒的记录也是如此，而苏格兰旅行者、士兵和流亡者的记录揭示了他们与当地新教徒的互动，以及他们在多大程度上反映了一种熟悉感。在高层政治中，苏格兰上议院的文件是关键，苏格兰人在英国或国外新教外交领域的记录也是关键。苏格兰国家图书馆的通俗、布道和学术印刷品为这一意识提供了辩论的优势，而罗伯特·伍德罗（Robert Woodrow）、詹姆斯·柯克顿（James Kirkton）等人的收藏则揭示了它对牧师的影响程度。从方法论上讲，这个项目关注的是记忆：它将考虑苏格兰以前与新教世界的关系，以及“杀戮时代”的殉难和新教在国外的苦难发展到何种程度相互支持的叙述。

This project explores Scottish relations with European Protestants between broadly the late Restoration period and the end of the last Jacobite Rising, in order to investigate the extent to which Scots saw themselves as part of a European coalition of co-religionists, and what impact this had upon their collective memory, politics, national identity and foreign ties. It addressesquestions such as the continuity of an independent Scots Presbyterian foreign perspective after Union, and focuses on Scottish Hanoverianism, Scottish Hanoverian diplomats in Europe, Scots in the European coalitions, and the Kirk's engagement with European Protestants.The suggestion of a widespread "Protestant international consciousness" raises major questions for the history of Scotland in one of its most formative periods. How far was the persecution of Presbyterians interpreted as part of a Europe-wide battle? Did Anti-Jacobites see the Jacobite Risings as fronts of an international-confessional war, especially when European troops arrived in Scotland? One can hardly imagine the Whig-Presbyterian party at the Union to be the "Parcel of Rogues" of Jacobite-Patriot verse if they genuinely believed that the international defence of a besieged religion trumped Scottish sovereignty. How did anti-Unionists consider and deploy Protestant Internationalism? The themes of Hanoverianism, Presbyterianism, memory and religious controversy all receive new angles by this novel focus.Together with a new lens to better-trodden ground, avenues into less explored areas are opened. One is the many under-studied Scots, such as Leven, Forfar, Stair and Hyndford, all ambassadors to key Protestant allies, whose convictions will be studied through their papers and correspondence, and those of their assigned European courts. How deeply the Scots Kirk continued to engage with the international sphere, and how it conceptualised world affairs, will also be investigated. Could this discourse indicate that while Scotland may have been subsumed into a British state, its Presbyterians maintained a unique European perspective, identity, and relationship with the "Protestant International", thus upholding a sense of distinctiveness inside the Union?This project contributes to a host of recent debates. It challenges arguments for a monolithic Protestant identity knitting the kingdoms together against a European "other", tackles imperial-centric historiographies and supports developments in our understanding of eighteenth-century Scottish Whiggism. Likewise, the supposed non-existence of popular Scottish Hanoverianism will be examined through the perspective of international-confessional consciousness. Ultimately, it secures Scotland's place among the growing body of works on Protestant internationalism, from Thompson's and Claydon's works on England, to Trim's and Onnekink's on the Huguenots.The sources upon which this project relies are myriad. As the vitality of the Kirk to the political sphere has recently been powerfully restated, its sources take on major importance. Records from the General Assembly and local Presbyteries are vital. So too are Burgh records, while accounts of Scottish travellers, soldiers and exiles reveal their interactions with local Protestants, and how far they reflected a sense of familiarity. In high politics, the papers of Scots Lords are key, as are records of Scots in the Protestant diplomatic sphere, in Britain or abroad. Popular, sermon, and scholarly print, as at the National Library of Scotland, provide polemical edge to this consciousness, while the collections of Robert Wodrow, James Kirkton and others reveal the extent to which it influenced ministers. Methodologically, this project is concerned with memory: it will consider the conjuring of Scotland's previous involvement with the Protestant world, and how far the "Killing Times" martyrology and Protestant suffering abroad developed mutually supporting narratives.