Global Economic Influences and Local Labor Relations in the Reorganization of an Agro-Industrial Center

蓬勃发展的切花生产是奈瓦沙湖社会生态系统（SES）变化的驱动力。新项目B3侧重于农工综合体，旨在探索全球经济影响与当地社会动态之间的纠缠，以及它们对当地SES的恢复力和重组的影响。关于研究单元的总体概念框架，项目B3通过将观点扩展到两个方向，挑战了SES方法固有的“空间固定”：首先，将采用多标量视角，在更广泛的空间背景下观察局部受限系统，批判性地评估SES和弹性概念的地域性。其次，该项目将通过明确关注全球影响下的社会动态，解决当地SES的社会方面和耦合效应。该项目分为两个部分，将切花产业作为连接全球和当地流程的场所。地理贡献（A部分）侧重于花卉生产和销售的全球价值链（GVC）。A部分的关键问题是全球价值链如何影响奈瓦沙的当地进程。指导性问题针对三个问题：(1)全球价值链的治理结构（经济行为者和驱动者的作用、制度设置、标准）；(2)全球价值链对奈瓦沙地区切花种植的直接影响（即农场组织、专业化流程、生产）；(3)花场与其社会经济环境（大农场与小农之间的正式与非正式安排、土地和水资源竞争、知识转移）之间的功能关系和相互作用。花卉产业工人高度活跃的社会组织将是人类学研究的焦点（B部分）。B部分的关键问题是，花卉产业的劳动者如何建立新的社会组织模式，以雇佣劳动为重点，与一个行业（也许是单一雇主）有紧密联系；工业就业和城市（或准城市）定居的社会组织模式，即工业无产阶级在多大程度上出现。指导性问题涉及三个主要问题：(1)劳工组织，包括最近成立的工会；(2)它对新定居点的家庭经济、社区建设和社会动态的影响，例如（原教旨主义）教会和基库尤人领导的蒙吉基教派日益重要的作用，或种族分裂的作用；(3)奈瓦沙的劳动力动态与该国其他地区的社会和经济进程之间的跨地区联系，例如在广泛的家庭网络方面。

The booming cut flower production is a driver of change in the social-ecological system (SES) of Lake Naivasha. The new project B3 focuses on the agro-industrial complex with the aim to explore the entanglements between global economic influences, local social dynamics, and their impacts on resilience and reorganization of the local SES. With regard to the overarching conceptual framework of the research unit, project B3 challenges the inherent ‘spatial fix’ of SES-approaches by extending the view into two directions: First, the territoriality of SES and resilience concepts will be critically assessed by taking a multi-scalar perspective that views locally confined systems in wider spatial contexts. Secondly, the project will address the social aspects and coupling effects of the local SES by explicitly focusing on social dynamics as a consequence of global influences. The project is organized into two parts that take the cut flower industry as the place of articulation between global and local processes. The geographical contribution (part A) focusses on the global value chain (GVC) of flower production and marketing. The key question of part A is how the GVC influences local processes in Naivasha. The guiding questions aim at three issues: (1) the governance structure of the GVC (role of economic actors and drivers, institutional setting, standards); (2) the direct impact of the GVC on cut flower farming in Naivasha (i.e., farm organization, specialization processes, production); and (3) the functional relationships and interactions between flower farms and their social-economic environment (i.e., formal and informal arrangements between big farms and smallholders, competition over land and water, knowledge transfer). The highly dynamic social organization of workers in the flower industry will be the focal point of anthropological research (part B). The key question of Part B is how laborers in the flower industry establish new patterns of social organization focused on wage labor with strong ties to one industry (and perhaps single employer), patterns of social organization in respect to industrial employment and urban (or quasi-urban) settlement, i.e. to what extent an industrial proletariat emerges. Guiding questions address three major issues: (1) the organization of labor, including the recent establishment of trade unions; (2) its consequence for household economies, community building, and social dynamics in the new settlements, for example with regard to the increasingly important role of (fundamentalist) churches and the Kikuyu led Mungiki sect, or the role of ethnic divisions; and (3) the translocal connections between the labor dynamics in Naivasha and social and economic processes in other parts of the country, for example with regard to extensive family networks.